Lexicase dependency grammar: an on-line reference
manual
1.1. What is this
reference manual for?
1.3. The development of
lexicase grammar
1.3.2. Motivation
and directions
1.3.3. Applications
2.
General
properties of the lexicase theory [fp] 1 12.07.2000
2.1.3.1.1.
(Pan-)Lexicalist -lg
2.2.1. Language
and the brain
2.2.2. Language
and society 6
2.2.4. Syntax
versus anaphora
2.2.4.1.
Chomskyan view and lost generalizations
2.2.4.2.
Binding
2.2.5. Language,
situation and semantics 4
2.2.6.1.
Semantic constraints: perspective
2.3.1. Why
constraints? 7
2.3.1.1.
Specific constraints-cfl
2.3.1.2.
Specific constraints -lg
2.3.2. Constraints
on grammatical representations: 9
2.3.2.2.
Constraints and expressive power 26
2.3.2.3.
Dependency constraints
2.3.2.3.1.
Locality and subcategorization (One-bar
constraint) 14
2.3.2.3.4.
'Optionality' 12
2.3.2.3.5.
(X-bar constraints) 11
2.3.2.3.6.
Predicates and relations
2.3.2.3.6.1.
Possible predicates
2.3.2.3.6.2.
Case relations
2.3.2.3.6.3.
2.3.2.4.
Constrained dependency grammar versus other frameworks
2.3.2.4.2.
Lexical integrity.
2.3.2.4.3.1.
The NP - VP split 15
2.3.2.4.4.
X-bar levels
2.3.2.4.4.1.
Complements versus adjuncts
2.3.2.4.4.2.
The N' analysis 17
2.3.2.4.6.
Empty categories
2.3.2.4.6.2.
Empty heads
2.3.2.4.6.2.1. DP
2.3.2.4.6.2.2.
Clausal complementation 18
2.3.2.4.6.2.3. Gerunds 18
2.3.2.4.6.2.4. Case nodes
2.3.2.4.6.3.
Empty dependents
2.3.2.4.6.3.1. Lexical leaf
constraint 12
2.3.3.1.
Word class inventory
2.3.3.2.
Triune sign
2.3.3.2.1.
Signs and lexical entries
44
2.3.3.2.2.
(Lexical disjointness)
28
2.3.3.2.3.
Die Einheit
des Wortes [EdW]
EDW: section, d:\rt\th\typ\typ_ntro\typ_drft.doc
Vichin volume, beginning
2.3.3.3.1.
Unary, Binary and implicational features only 29
2.3.3.3.2.
No double contextual features 31
2.3.3.4.
Content
2.3.3.4.2.
Morphology
2.3.3.4.2.1.
Internal boundaries -lg
2.3.3.4.3.
Syntax
2.3.3.4.4.
Semantics
2.3.3.5.
Abstractness and expressive power
2.3.3.5.1.
No abstract lexical entries 27
2.3.4.1.
Rules as the expression of generalizations in the lexicon
2.3.4.1.1.
entry-internal
2.3.4.1.1.1.
Linking
2.3.4.1.2.
analogical
2.3.4.1.3.
regent-dependent
2.3.4.1.3.1.
Chaining
2.3.4.2.
No transformations 34
2.3.4.3.
No Phrase structure rules 35
3.3.1.1.
Signs and lexical entries 44
3.3.1.2.
The triune sign
3.3.1.3.
Words and paradigms 60
3.3.1.4.
Definitions 51
3.3.2.1.
Non-contextual 54
3.3.2.1.1.
Grammatical
3.3.2.1.2.
Semantic
3.3.2.3.
Contextual features 56
3.3.2.3.1.
Skeletal
3.3.2.3.2.
Agreement and government
3.3.2.3.3.
Selection
3.3.2.4.
Valence features
3.3.3.1.
Classes and 'parts of speech' 50
3.3.3.2.
Definitions
3.3.3.2.1.
Thai Studies conference
3.3.3.2.2.
Endocentric and exocentric classes
3.3.3.2.3.
Possible dependents {Thai conference paper}
3.3.3.3.
Feature inventory 27
4.1. Dependency,
stemmas and non-concatenative representations
4.2. Minimal
representations 110
4.3. Command and
the domains of relatedness and subcategorization 108
4.3.1. Cap-command 108
4.3.2. Command 109
4.4. Exo- and
endocentricity 106
4.4.1. Centricity
4.5. Intensional semantic
representation 110
4.6. Comparison
with other types of representation
4.6.1. Levels,
structures, and functions 103
4.6.2. Dependency
and constituency 104
4.6.2.1.
X-bar theory
weak version of DG
4.6.2.2.
Bare phrase structure
can't be done because of binarity
lexical items don't have the kind of information they need
to project initial complex binary structures
5.1. Organization 72
5.2. Rules 59
5.2.1. Rule
types 75
5.2.1.1.
Word level 75
5.2.1.1.1.
Redundancy Rules (RRs)
5.2.1.1.2.
Subcategorization Rules (SRs) 76
5.2.1.1.3.
Inflectional redundancy rules (IRRs)
5.2.1.1.4.
Morphological rules (WFSs) 88
5.2.1.1.5.
Derivation rules (WFSs) 90
5.2.1.1.6.1.
Seamless morphology 60
5.2.1.1.6.2.
Rule formalization
5.2.1.1.6.2.1. DRs/WFS
5.2.1.1.6.2.2. Redundancy rules
(RRs) 75
5.2.1.1.6.3.1. Words and
paradigms 60
5.2.1.1.6.3.2. Word
structure 60
5.2.1.1.6.3.3. Inflection versus
derivation 61
5.2.1.1.6.3.4. Compounding and
incorporation
5.2.1.1.6.4.
Syntax 64
5.2.1.1.6.4.1. Dependency syntax
5.2.1.1.6.4.2. Rule formalization
and rule types
1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.RRs,
linking {via WFSs .ba}
1.1.1.1.1.1.1.2.Inflectional
redundancy rules (IRRs) 85
5.2.1.2.
Phrase level rules 101
5.2.1.2.1.
Semantic interpretation rules (SIR's) 101
5.2.1.2.2.
Phonological rules 101
5.2.2. Rule
ordering 101
5.3. Relatedness
and lexical derivation 67
5.3.1. Relatedness
5.3.1.1.
Missing constituents, 'movement', and 'PRO'
5.3.1.2.
lexical
5.3.1.3.
syntactic
5.3.1.3.1.
passive trees
5.3.1.4.
Semantic and pragmatic relatedness
5.3.2. Nominal
derivation
5.3.2.1.
N:N
5.3.2.2.
X:N
5.3.3. Verbal
derivation
5.3.3.1.
V:V
5.3.3.2.
X:V
5.3.4. Other
types of derivation
5.4. Comparison
with other frameworks 64
5.4.1. Order
and constituency 64
5.4.1.1.
Free word order, projection, and scrambling
5.4.2. Lexical
rules versus transformations 59
5.4.3. Missing
constituents, 'movement', and 'empty categories' 67
The lexicon in control, section 4.3
[d:\rt\th\lxc\coindex\gent\cntl_640.rtf]
6.1. Division of
labor 114
6.1.1. Case
forms vs. case relations, macroroles vs. topc/spot/prdc
6.1.2. Localistic
case markers 119
6.2.1. Case
relations, perspective, and paraphrase
121
6.2.1.1.
Situation versus perception 121
6.2.1.2.
Semantic/situational roles and the case grammar tradition 114
6.2.1.3.
Grammatical criteria 122
6.2.2. Inventory 126
6.2.3. One
per Sent
6.2.4. Patient
centrality 128
6.2.4.1.
Patient and scope
6.2.4.2.
Inner and outer case relations 128
6.2.4.3.
Infinitival complements 133
6.2.4.4.
Floating quantifiers 137
6.2.4.5.
Discourse 137
6.2.4.6.
Transitivity 137
TRNS: section, d:\rt\th\typ\typ_ntro\typ_drft.doc
6.2.5. Case
relations and theta-roles
6.2.5.1.
Semantic/situational roles and the case grammar tradition 114
6.2.6. Case
relations and actants
6.2.7. Primary
verb classes (Springer's term?)
6.2.8. Case
frames
6.2.8.1.
Patient centrality 140
6.2.8.2.
Gaps 141
6.2.8.3.
Optionality 142
6.3. Macroroles 145
6.3.1.1.
Lexicase characterization 145
6.3.1.2.
Alternatives 147
6.3.1.3.
Actor and Nominative 149
6.3.1.4.
Grammatical functions of Actor
6.3.1.4.1.
Imperative constructions 151
6.3.1.4.2.
Reflexivization 152
6.3.1.4.3.
Word order 153
6.3.1.4.4.
Clitic pronouns 153
6.3.1.4.5.
Morphological differentiation 154
6.3.1.4.6.
Nom and actor 154
6.3.2. Undergoer 155
6.4. Information
structure roles
[d:\rt\th\dpndc\holdlxclxsm.doc]
6.4.1. Topic
6.4.2. Spotlight
7.1. &&Reorganize
in a non-directional way
7.1.1. No
change in transitivity
7.1.1.1.
+trns : +trns
7.1.1.1.1.
Dative movement
7.1.1.1.2.
Load hay
7.1.1.2.
-trns : -trns
7.1.2. Change
in transitivity
7.1.2.1.
-trns : +trns
7.1.2.1.1.
Change in number of arguments
7.1.2.1.2.
No change in the number of arguments: 'recentralization'
7.1.2.1.3.
'Transitivization'
7.1.2.1.3.1.
Japanese
7.1.2.1.4.
Antipassive
7.1.2.1.5.
Passive
7.1.2.1.6.
Middle
7.1.3. Immediate
and indirect actr encoding: causative
7.1.3.1.
-trns : +trns
7.1.3.2.
+trns : +trns
7.1.3.3.
-trns : -trns
7.2. Introduction
7.3. Verb classes 156
7.4. Case
relation addition 156
7.4.1. Locus
addition: Ø >®
LOC 156
7.4.2. Patient
addition: Ø >à
PAT 158
7.4.2.1.
Cognate objects 158
7.4.2.2.
Raising 158
7.4.2.3.
Capture 160
7.4.3. Actor
addition: causativization; Ø >à actr
7.4.3.1.
Embedding strategy
7.4.3.2.
Morphological causativization
7.4.3.2.1.
Fixed and displaced Patient strategies
7.4.3.2.2.
Intransitive
source
7.4.3.2.2.1.
Fixed
patient 162
7.4.3.2.2.2.
Patient
displacement by an Actor Patient 163
7.4.3.2.3.
Transitive
source 164
7.4.3.2.3.1.
Fixed Patient 164
7.4.3.2.3.1.1. French 164
7.4.3.2.3.1.2. Tagalog 165
7.4.3.2.3.2.
Displaced Patient
7.4.3.2.3.2.1. Swahili
7.4.3.2.3.2.2. Chamorro 166
7.4.3.2.4.
Comrie and One per Sent 166
7.5. Case
relation subtraction 167
7.5.1. Patient
subtraction: PAT >à Ø 167
7.5.2. Agent
subtraction: AGT >à Ø 168
7.5.3. Locus
subtraction: LOC >à Ø 168
7.5.4. Correspondent
subtraction: COR >à Ø 169
7.5.5. Means
subtraction: MNS >à Ø; reciprocal, etc. 169
7.6. Case
relation reinterpretation
7.6.1. Agent
demotion: AGT >à MNS 170
7.6.1.1.
Zero derivation 170
7.6.1.2.
Passivization 170
7.6.2. Promotion
to PAT
7.6.2.1.
Recentralization: LOC >® PAT,
PAT >®
COR; ('Dative movement')
7.6.2.2.
Recentralization: LOC >® PAT, PAT >® MNS
7.6.2.3.
Transitivization
transitiv;ization: PAT >® AGT
LOC >à PAT
7.6.2.4.
Intransitivization (antipassivization):
PAT >à
LOC/MNS 174
7.6.2.5.
Recentralization: LOC >® PAT, PAT >® MNS
Intransitive (cf. Salkoff 1983)
(192) a. Bees are swarming1 in the garden.
PAT LOC
(192a)
b. The garden is swarming2 with bees.
PAT MNS
(193) c. Drunken satyrs were cavorting1 in the lobby.
(193a) d. *The lobby
was *cavorting2 with drunken
satyrs.
(194) e. *Wedding guests were brimming1 over in the church.
(194a) f. The church
was brimming2 over with
wedding guests.
Transitive
(195) a. Herman loaded1 hay on the truck.
AGT PAT LOC
(195a)
b. Herman loaded2 the truck with hay.
AGT PAT MNS
(196) c. Maxine
carried1 the groceries to her car.
(196a) d. *Maxine
carried2 her car
with the groceries.
(197) e. *We
*festooned1 boughs of holly on the walls.
(197a) f. We
festooned2 the walls
with boughs of holly.
Dutch; (René Dirven,
personal communication)
(198) a. Ik laadde hooi op de wagen.
AGT PAT LOC
I loaded hay on the
wagon.
(198a) b. Ik (be)laadde de wagen met hooi.
AGT PAT MNS
I loaded the wagon with
hay.
German;
(199) a. Sie luden Heu auf den Lastwagen.
AGT PAT LOC
They loaded hay on the truck.
(199a) b. Sie beluden den Lastwagen mit Heu.
AGT PAT MNS
They loaded the truck with
hay.
Tagalog (ergativ;e; Starosta 1986a, examples from DeGuzman 1978)
(200) a. nakita ng doktor sa pasyente ang isang malaking tumor
saw doctor patient one big tumor
+trns Gen Lcv Nom
AGT LOC PAT
The doctor saw a big
tumor in the patient.
(200a) b. nakitaan ng doktor ang pasyente ng isang malaking tumor
+trns Gen Nom Gen
AGT PAT MNS
The doctor saw the
patient as having a big tumor.
7.6.2.5.1.
LOC >à PAT, PAT >-> MNS 173
7.6.2.5.2.
MNS >à PAT, PAT >-> Ø 174
7.6.2.5.3.
MNS >® PAT, PAT >® Ø: Kosraean (Lee 1972) 173
7.7. Notes 175
8.1. Case forms 178
8.1.1. Properties 178 - - - - -
8.1.1.1.
Evolution 178
8.1.1.2.
Function 178
8.1.1.3.
Composition and meaning 179
8.1.1.4.
Labels 180
8.1.2. Nominative/Subject
[+Nom] 181
SUBJ: section, d:\rt\th\typ\typ_ntro\typ_drft.doc
8.1.2.1.
Case marking 181
8.1.2.1.1.
Morphological markedness and regularity 181
8.1.2.1.2.
Subject choice hierarchy [ergativity] 181
8.1.2.1.3.
Verb subcategorization 186
8.1.2.2.
The case hierarchy and relativization 187
8.1.2.3.
Word order 191
8.1.2.4.
'Subject-AUX Inversion'
8.1.2.5.
CF-CR mapping 191
8.1.3. The
conjunction of case form and macrorole 192
8.2.1. Normal
8.2.2. Via
theme and focus
8.2.3. Redundancy
rule
8.2.4. Illustrative
examples
8.3. Case markers 193
8.3.1. Case
inflection and localism 194
8.3.2. Prepositions,
postpositions, and coverbs 195
8.3.3. Case
government 198
8.3.4. Locational
nouns 200
8.3.5. Relator
nouns 202
8.3.6. Pseudocompounds 205
8.3.7. Verb
classes 206
8.3.8. Word
order and agreement 207
8.3.8.1.
Accusative language 208
8.3.8.2.
Ergative language 208
8.3.9. Adverbs 209
8.4. Notes 255
{Prague paper}
The lexicon in control, section 4.4
[d:\rt\th\lxc\coindex\gent\cntl_640.rtf]
[d:\rt\th\dpndc\holdlxclxsm.doc],
'information structure'
9.1. Information
structure roles
9.2.
Theme and topic,
spotlight and focus [PRAHA']
9.3. Theme
9.4. Spotlight
9.5. Topic and
focus
9.6. Topic
9.7. Focus
10.1. Missing constituents,
'movement', and 'empty categories' 67
10.2. Non-finite dependents 238
10.3. Theme and spotlight,
topic and focus
10.4. Content questions, 'wh-movement'
10.5. Relative clauses
10.6. Subordination
reduction 246
11.1. Conjunction reduction 210
11.1.1. English
(accusative)
11.1.1.1.
The Nom - Nom strategy 211
11.1.1.2.
Violation of the Nom - Nom strategy 211
11.1.2. Yidiny
(ergative) 212
11.1.2.1.
The Nom - Nom strategy 212
11.1.2.2.
Violation of the Nom - Nom strategy 213
11.1.3. Dyirbal (ergative) 214
11.1.4. Chukchi (ergative) 216
11.1.5. Conclusion 216
12.1. Regents and their
dependents
12.1.1. Noun
subcategorization and noun-headed constructions 219
12.1.1.1.
Noun subcategorization 219
12.1.1.2.
Cooccurrence with determiners 219
12.1.1.2.1.
Possessive determiners 220
12.1.1.3.
Preposed vs. postposed modifiers 222
12.1.1.4.
NP case frames 225
12.1.1.4.1.
Obligatorily possessed nouns 225
12.1.1.4.2.
Student/specialist nouns 227
12.1.1.4.3.
Picture nouns 228
12.1.1.4.4.
Nominalizations 228
12.1.1.5.
Cooccurrence with S 228
12.1.1.5.1.
Outer S attributes: relative clauses 228
12.1.1.5.2.
Inner S attributes: NP complements 229
12.1.1.5.3.
Complementizer nouns 231
12.1.2. Preposition
subcategorization and P-headed constructions 232
12.1.2.1.
PPs as exocentric constructions 232
12.1.2.2.
Syntactic subcategorization 234
12.1.2.3.
Semantic subcategorization 235
12.1.3. Verb
subcategorization and verb-headed constructions 235
12.1.3.1.
Predication 235
12.1.3.1.1.
Verbal predicates 235
12.1.3.1.2.
Non-verbal predicates 235
12.1.3.1.2.1.
NP predicates 236
12.1.3.1.2.2.
PP predicates 238
12.1.3.2.
Verb subcategorization 238
12.1.3.2.1.
Case relations 238
12.1.3.2.2.
Clausal attributes 238
12.1.3.2.2.1.
Complementizers 238
12.1.3.2.2.2.
Non-finite attributes 238
12.1.3.2.2.2.1.
Auxiliary verbs 239
12.1.3.2.2.2.2.
Non-auxiliaries 240
12.1.3.2.2.2.3.
Potentials 240
12.1.3.2.2.3.
Finite attributes 240
12.1.3.2.3.
Impersonal verbs 241
12.1.3.2.3.1.
Definite pseudo-impersonals 241
12.1.3.2.3.2.
Indefinite pseudo-impersonals 242
12.1.3.2.3.3.
True impersonals 242
12.1.3.2.3.4.
Finite surrogate 243
12.1.3.2.4.
Particle verbs 245
12.1.3.2.5.
Idiom chunks 245
12.1.3.2.6.
Semantic classes 246
12.2. Discourse 255
12.3. Notes
13. Typology
Intro to Kikusawa and Sasaki [d:\rt\th\typ\typ_ntro\typ_drft2.doc]
14. Historical
grammar [hg]
15. Natural
language processing [nlp]
16. Conclusion 257
18. Index 269-273