Shawn Ford
SLS 499: Directed Reading
Summer 2001
Note: The following article was written as an independent study project for SLS 499, instructed by Steven Talmy of the Department of Second Language Studies at the University of Hawaii at Manoa. It is reproduced below in its incomplete form, as several sections have yet to be completed. Please pardon any errors or omissions. Refer to the References section for additional information on the topic.
Language Shift among Hawaiis Japanese-Americans
INTRODUCTION
The topic of language shift among Americas linguistic minority groups
has received increasing interest from ESL researchers and sociolinguists. This
increase of attention may be attributed in large part to efforts of the English
Only movement and proposals for a Constitutional amendment to make English the
official language of the United States (Crawford, 1996). These efforts by language
extremists have propelled researchers in various fields to examine the roles
that language plays for minority groups across America. Although contradictory
to the beliefs of language exclusion groups such as English Only, a common finding
of research into language use among American minorities is that many of these
groups are rapidly losing their heritage languages in the efforts to acquire
English and integrate into American society (Veltman, 1983; Crawford, 1999).
One of the language minority groups in Hawaii whose history
has been studied extensively is the Japanese-American (Sato, 1981 & 1991;
Kawamoto, 1993; Tamura, 1993 & 1996). Several comprehensive studies have
also been prepared that examine contemporary issues that relate to language
use among Hawaiis Japanese-Americans (Usui, 1996; Kondo, 1999). In the
following literature review, I will look at the available material that is concerned
directly with language issues of Japanese-Americans in Hawaii in addition to
other issues relevant to this groups overall experience with language
shift.
I will begin this review by exploring the phenomenon of language shift as studied
by linguists, sociologists, and second language researchers. I will then delve
into the early history of the subjects of my review, Hawaiis Japanese-Americans,
beginning with the first generation of immigrants and their efforts of cultural
and linguistic maintenance. Next, I will look at the effects that the two world
wars had on the Japanese-American community in Hawaii. In the following section,
I will examine the issues involved in the gradual process of this communitys
language shift, from monolingual Japanese to various forms of bilingualism to
monolingual English. Then I will discuss some present and future trends of language
shift in general and in Hawaiis Japanese community, including language
revival. In conclusion, I will propose ideas for future research in this area
of language study.
LANGUAGE SHIFT
Language shift is a sociolinguistic phenomenon observed and reported extensively
during the last half of the 20th century by researchers in various locations
and settings throughout the world. Perhaps some of the earliest and most well-known
research of language shift was conducted in the United States in the 1960s by
linguist Joshua Fishman using U.S. Census Bureau data (Veltman, 1983). His methods
and analyses have been used and expanded upon by researchers in this field since
this time, in particular by linguist Calvin Veltman (1981; 1983), whose comprehensive
book Language Shift in the United States is considered to be the first
complete attempt to assess the macrosociological process by which minority language
groups are assimilated to the English language majority (1983, 1). Further,
more recent reports have been compiled in the United States by researcher James
Crawford regarding Native-American, Hispanic-American, and Asian-American language
shift (1996; 1999).
Language researchers in the Canadian province of Quebec also have been extremely
interested in language shift. Consequently, many important and influential reports
have been produced regarding French-to-English language shift and Native-American-languages-to-English
language shift (Veltman, 1983; Crawford, 1996). These studies in turn also have
influenced research of language shift in the United States.
Concerning the current topic of language shift among Hawaiis Japanese-
Americans, several researchers have conducted studies into this matter both
directly and indirectly. Sato (1981, 1989, & 1991) wrote extensively about
language use in Hawaii and talked about the shifting language use among the
Japanese-American community. Tamura (1993 & 1996) also reported about the
various shifts of language use that has occurred within the Japanese-American
community in Hawaii on lines as similar to those of Sato. Additionally, Kondos
dissertation Japanese Language Learning, Academic Achievement and Identity:
voices of new second generation Japanese American university students in Hawaii
(1998) traces some of the history of language use among the same ethnic group
while examining language use and attitudes of recent immigrants and their American-born
children.
Perhaps one of the most specific works to date about language shift of Hawaiis
Japanese-Americans is Usuis 1996 Masters thesis An Ethnographic
Perspective on Language Shift, Maintenance and Revitalization: Japanese in Hawaii.
In her thesis, Usui reports about the phenomenon of language shift within the
context of the Japanese-American community in Hawaii and their past and current
efforts to maintain and revitalize their heritage language.
Interestingly, within the previous references cited there is not one definition
of language shift. Each author who writes about the subject refers to it as
if it were a commonly understood and recognized term. In Veltmans seminal
work on the topic, he neglects to explicitly define language shift but implicitly
gives his meaning when he says that he will examine the structure, the
extent, and the pace of language shift from minority language groups to the
dominant national language [my emphasis] (1983, 11). This is the closest
that he comes in the entire book to giving a definition of the linguistic process.
Throughout his articles on the topic within his web site (http://ourworld.compuserve.com/homepages/jwcrawford/home.htm),
Crawford also does not give a definition of language shift. Additionally, he
seems to limit his discussion of language shift to language loss. For instance,
in his paper Heritage Languages in American: tapping a hidden resource (1999),
Crawford states, Language shift is especially acute in Native American
communities, where about one-third of indigenous tongues have disappeared since
the coming of Columbus (HL.html). This statement seems to imply that language
shift equals language loss; however, in a careful review of the literature on
the subject, language loss seems to be just one of the aspects of language shift
in addition to bilingualism and revitalization.
Also, in her Masters thesis Usui (1996) takes steps in the introduction
of her paper to define many of the phenomena and terms used throughout her report,
with the exclusion of language shift. It seems that she too has reached the
conclusion that the term is commonly known enough that it does not require a
formal definition.
Perhaps I am being too critical to expect a working definition of language shift
from these researchers before beginning a study of this complex linguistic process.
However, without background knowledge of this topic, the term potentially could
be mistaken for any number of concepts, for instance bilingual code switching
or strictly language loss. Therefore, without a reference for a formal definition
I will define language shift as used throughout this review by combining inferences
from several sources as a sociolinguistic process whereby a specific linguistic
minority group transitions either towards or away from a majority language with
or without the inclusion of the heritage language. Furthermore, I would point
out that this definition implies a continuum between heritage language monolingualism
and majority language monolingualism (which results in heritage language loss),
with varying degrees of bilingualism in the intermediary.
Having stated a working definition of language shift for reference purposes,
I will now attempt to thoroughly examine the subjects of this literature review
in the context of this linguistic process.
IMMIGRATION OF FIRST JAPANESE TO HAWAII
The first Japanese in Hawaii are reported to have arrived in the early
19th century as shipwrecked sailors (Nordyke, 1977). In 1868, a group of Japanese
contract laborers were secretly brought to Hawaii by the states consul
general during the period of Japanese isolationism when emigration was prohibited
by law. These early contract laborers were predominantly poor farmers from Japans
southwest provinces who came to work the cane fields of Hawaii with dreams of
amassing enough riches to return to Japan to live a better life than before
(Takaki, 1989; Usui, 1996). However, these first Japanese immigrants also faced
hardships in Hawaii and complained of contract violation and mistreatment by
their employers. After many years of treaty negotiation between Japan and Hawaii,
including a visit to Japan by Hawaiis King Kalakaua in 1881, Japanese
were again brought to Hawaii as contract laborers for the sugar planters (Nordyke,
1977). The pace of Japanese immigration to Hawaii picked up considerably from
1884 when the Japanese government lifted a long-standing ban on emigration by
its citizens (Nordyke, 1977; Jones, 1992). Over the course of the next 40 years,
more than 200,000 Japanese men, women (including picture brides), and children
(of previous immigrants) immigrated to Hawaii under the contract labor system
until the U.S. Immigration Act of 1924 effectively halted all Japanese immigration
to America. Although many of the early Japanese in Hawaii returned to their
homeland after their contracts were fulfilled, many more chose to remain in
Hawaii; hence, by the 1900 census, Japanese comprised the largest ethnic group
in the Hawaiian Islands (Nordyke, 1977; Takaki, 1987).
CULTURAL AND LINGUISTIC MAINTENANCE
Having originally planned to return to Japan as soon as their contracts expired,
the first Japanese immigrants in Hawaii sought to maintain their culture and
language in their temporary home. However, for most of them the dream of returning
with American wealth was illusive, and many Japanese began families and made
Hawaii their new homes. This also promoted cultural and linguistic maintenance
practices, since the early Japanese in Hawaii wished to pass on their heritage
to their children born in America. In addition to cultural festivals, folk music,
and stories, the first generation Japanese also maintained their culture and
language through the establishment of heritage language schools and a thriving
press (Kawamoto, 1993; Tamura, 1993).
Heritage Language Schools
The first Japanese language school opened on the Big Island of Hawaii in 1893.
Within the next thirty years, another 159 of these schools opened throughout
Hawaii, enrolling almost 98% of the children of Japanese ancestry in the islands.
These schools were founded as a supplement to the public school system, and
children attended them each afternoon when their regular schools finished. The
curriculums of these schools were established by the Japanese Ministry of Education,
which also recruited teachers for the schools (Usui, 1996).
The Japanese heritage language schools taught their students more than just
language; they also taught their students Japanese culture (Kawamoto, 1993;
Usui, 1996). Customs, manners, and history were part of the curriculum in addition
to speaking, reading and writing. In addition, children daily sang the Japanese
national anthem and pledged allegiance to the Japanese emperor, practices that
later would be held against the schools and the Japanese community as suspicious
and un-American (Usui, 1996).
According to Cummins (1983), the term heritage language generally refers
to the community ethnocultural language which is not necessarily the childs
first-learned language (or even used in the home) (1). Although several
researchers (Kawamoto, 1993; Usui 1996) refer to the early Japanese language
schools as heritage language schools, it may be more appropriate to refer to
them simply as language schools, since Japanese was probably the first language
and the family language of the students of these schools. Based on Cummins
definition of heritage language, it seems that as the language use of Hawaiis
Japanese-Americans shifted, so shifted the emphasis of the language schools
from that of Japanese as a first language to Japanese as a second language or
heritage language.
Japanese Press
In addition to language schools, the Japanese in Hawaii established a flourishing
press soon after their arrival. By 1920, 35 separate Japanese language newspapers
had been printed in Hawaii. Many of these served to inform Hawaiis Japanese
about events back in the homeland and to help new immigrants adjust to life
in a foreign land (Kawamoto, 1993). Hawaiis active Japanese press also
produced religious publications, books, and information pamphlets, including
strike-related and immigration-related materials (Tamura, 1996). The Japanese
press played a large role in helping the first and second generation Japanese
in Hawaii maintain their cultural and linguistic heritage.
JAPANESE LANGUAGE SHIFT
Although the early Japanese immigrants to Hawaii made serious efforts to maintain
their language and culture, the community has experienced several periods of
language shift. Many researchers over the past several decades and from within
the same community have reported these shifts of language use. One of the most
prominent researchers was Sato, who reported the shift from Japanese to HCE
dominance within the community during Hawaiis plantation years (1981 &
1989) and about the next shift towards Standard English following Hawaiis
economic and social changes after W.W.II (1981). Later, Sato would report about
the effects of decreolization of HCE towards its English acrolect, thereby prompting
another language shift within Hawaiis Japanese-American community (1991).
Tamura (1993 & 1996) published reports of language shift similar to those
of Sato. Usui (1996) and Kondos (1999) papers also discussed the process
of language shift among the Japanese-Americans of Hawaii with the added element
of recent language revitalization efforts.
Hawaii Creole English (HCE)
One of the first causes of language shift in Hawaiis Japanese community
was the development of Hawaii Pidgin English (HPE) on the sugar cane plantations
around the turn of the 20th century (Sato, 1989 & 1991; Kawamoto, 1993;
Tamura, 1996). HPE developed from the plantation contact of Hawaiian, English,
Chinese, Japanese, and Portuguese workers. An unstable and variable pidgin,
it contained English and Hawaiian vocabulary spoken with the phonology and syntax
of the first language of the individual speaker (Sato, 1989). With the advent
of HPE, the first generation of Japanese immigrants to Hawaii gradually became
bilingual in Japanese and HPE.
The next significant development in the history of language shift among Hawaiis
Japanese-Americans was the transition of HPE to the stable creole Hawaii Creole
English (HCE). This came about as the first speakers of HPE had children born
in Hawaii with HPE as their first language (Sato, 1989; Kawamoto, 1993; Tamura,
1996). The result of this shift of language usage was predominant bilingualism
by the second generation Japanese-Americans in HCE and Japanese (Tamura, 1996).
Influence of WWI
Another major factor that affected language shift within Hawaiis Japanese-American
community was the First World War (WWI). A wave of hysterical nationalism and
Americanization campaigns swept across the United States and eventually reached
Hawaii at the end of the war. While the mainland Americanization efforts focused
on European immigrant groups, the Japanese were the object of the efforts in
Hawaii (Tamura, 1993). The overt aim of the Americanization campaigns was to
promote national unity by encouraging immigrants to become naturalized citizens,
to learn English, and to learn and respect American institutions and ideas.
A covert aim of these campaigns was to persuade Americas immigrant groups
to reject their heritage (Jones, 1992).
The Japanese language press was the first target of the Americanizers in Hawaii.
At the time of WWI there were more than a dozen Japanese language publications
in Hawaii serving to help maintain the literacy and heritage culture of the
first generation Japanese (Tamura, 1993). Japanese newspapers came under attack
out of fear that they promoted Japanism, interest and pride in things Japanese,
and thus disloyalty to the United States (41). As a result, Hawaiis territorial
legislature passed a law requiring non-English language publications that referred
to governments, laws, or controversial issues to supply English translations
(Tamura, 1993). However, this law was never enforced, so the Americanization
effort to control the Japanese language press had little direct effect on language
shift during this period.
The greater issue of the Americanization campaigns in Hawaii following WWI was
the Japanese language schools (Tamura, 1993). Opponents of these schools argued
that they promoted Japanism and interfered with English language acquisition.
The Territorial Legislature of Hawaii passed a series of laws in 1920 with the
intent to abolish Japanese language schools. The Japanese community fought these
laws through the various court systems until 1927 when the U.S. Supreme Court
declared the laws unconstitutional. As a result, Japanese language schools actually
experienced an upsurge in enrollments (Tamura, 1993). While the efforts by Americanizers
to close these schools did not directly affect language shift in Hawaiis
Japanese-American community during this period, the same arguments and research
used at this time were used again to close the schools during the next world
war.
Influence of WWII
Perhaps one of the greatest factors that contributed to language shift within
the Japanese-American community of Hawaii was the Second World War (WWII). During
this time period, Japanese language schools were completely shut down and Japanese
cultural and linguistic maintenance efforts all but ceased (Usui, 1996). On
the American West Coast, Japanese-Americans were interned in camps during the
war, and Japanese-Americans in Hawaii were afraid that the same thing would
happen to them (Takaki, 1987). Therefore, Japanese-Americans stopped using Japanese
in public and even in private, and took pains to erase all traces of their connection
to their heritage for fear that they would be labeled un-American and as spies
(Usui, 1996).
In addition, almost ten thousand military-age second-generation Japanese-Americans
in Hawaii registered for the draft and enlisted in the armed forces to fight
for their country to prove their loyalty (Usui, 1996; Takaki, 1987). Many of
them served as translators in the Pacific Arena for the Military Intelligence
Service while others served in battalions fighting in Europe. This group of
enlisted men became some of the most decorated American soldiers of WWII for
their bravery and valor (Takaki, 1987).
One of the results of the anti-Japanese sentiments in Hawaii and the enlistment
of large numbers of second-generation Japanese-American men during WWII was
a rapid shift of language use in the community from bilingualism in Japanese
and HCE or English to monolingualism in English. Both the Japanese-Americans
who remained in Hawaii throughout the war and those who went away to war found
it necessary to speak English to prove their loyalty and to show that they were
true Americans. Therefore, heritage language maintenance efforts completely
ceased, and English became the dominant language used by the group.
***NOTE: THIS SECTION CONTAINS INCOMPLETE
INFORMATION***
Issei/ Nissei
Kawamoto, 1993
Communication problems
Cultural identification
Power of Community Language
Crawford, 1996
Hakuta, 1986
Kawamoto, 1993
"English Standard" schools
"Normal" schools
Hawaii Creole English & Standard English
Language Attitudes
Hakuta, 1986
Kawamoto, 1993
Rickford & Romaine, 1999
Fishman, 1999
Thomas & Cao, 1999
Ng, 1999
Lin, 2000
Power and Politics
Kawamoto, 1993
Politics and language use
************************************************************************************
PRESENT TRENDS
After examining the history of shifting language use within the Japanese-American
community of Hawaii, we can now turn our attention to the current situation.
Presently, Hawaiis Japanese-Americans continue to maintain their culture
and language in many different ways. In addition, several language schools remain
open that teach American-born children of Japanese ancestry their heritage language,
history and culture. Based on these present trends, we can predict a continued
effort of language revitalization into the near future.
Continued Culture Maintenance
Regarding practices within the Japanese-American community of Hawaii that could
be considered cultural maintenance, there seems to be very little information
in the literature. Kawamoto (1993) reported the existence of Japanese radio
and television stations and several newspapers on the island of Oahu. He also
mentioned the now-completed Japanese Cultural Center in Honolulu (204). The
only author who devoted more than just a few sentences to current culture maintenance
practices of Hawaiis Japanese-Americans is Usui (1996). She also talks
about the broadcast and printed media found in Hawaii but refers to them as
institutional support for Japanese-American cultural maintenance.
Additionally, Usui also mentions the many Japanese restaurants, supermarkets,
bookstores and other companies found in Hawaii (22).
In addition to the previously cited aspects of Japanese culture that currently
exist in Hawaii, the literature does not mention several other important elements.
Hawaii has numerous Japanese temples and other places of worship throughout
the islands that continue to attract Japanese-Americans, immigrant Japanese,
and visiting Japanese. Hawaii has several Japanese-language magazines, including
Kokiku, which is bilingual Japanese and English, and the Japanese Beach Press.
Honolulu is the home of several popular bon dances during obon season, a festival
time of the year when people honor their deceased relatives, pray for good harvests,
and come together as a community. Each year on the Ala Wai Canal, the Japanese
Lantern Festival is held to honor the deceased. A large matsuri (street festival)
takes place in Waikiki each year and is sponsored by the Japanese Travel Bureau
(JTB) and several local community organizations. It attracts thousands of Japanese
tourists and local Japanese-Americans as well as other tourists and local residents.
Also, each year in Honolulu the Japanese recording industry sponsors the Japanese
Song Fest, an event in which contestants sing popular Japanese songs to win
prizes.
Each of these elements of Japanese culture are practiced in various combinations
and to varying degrees by many members of Hawaiis Japanese-American community
in an effort to maintain and continue their heritage.
Heritage Language Schools
Although several researchers have written about the history of Japanese heritage
language schools in Hawaii, only Usui (1996) and Kondo (1999) have mentioned
their current status. According to both authors, only 12 Japanese language schools
currently exist on the island of Oahu. However, these schools vary immensely
in their purposes and curriculums. Most of the Japanese language schools (Nihongo
gakkoo) appear to be little more than day care centers with the addition of
Japanese language lessons (Kondo, 1999). Only Rainbow Japanese language school
seems to offer a program that strives for Japanese language maintenance and
literacy. One of the dilemmas facing these language schools is that many students
consider the Nihongo gakkoo to be too easy and Rainbow school to be too difficult
(Matsuda, 1997 cited in Kondo, 1999). Unfortunately, both Usui and Kondo reached
the conclusion that Hawaiis Japanese heritage language schools are not
adequately meeting the needs of its students in terms of language maintenance.
Revitalization
Another phenomenon that is reportedly occurring within Hawaiis Japanese-American
community related to language shift is that of revitalization. According to
researchers, language revitalization efforts seem to currently be taking place.
Evidence of this may be found in data collected from Hawaiis community
college and university level Japanese courses. Kawamoto (1993) states that enrollment
in Japanese language classes at the University of Hawaii at Manoa are among
the highest levels in the United States. He also points out the fact that the
large enrollments may be partly due to the heightened level of Japanese-American
relations over the past decade.
Usui (1996) reports the finding that 70% of the students enrolled in Japanese
language classes in the U.H. system are of Japanese ancestry. She also claims
that Japanese language classes at the high school, college, university, and
adult education levels are all experiencing increased enrollment of both Japanese-Americans
and non-Japanese-Americans. She asserts that language classes play a critical
role for Japanese language revitalization because of its importance as a domain
for communication since the home is no longer a primary domain for Japanese
language use. In addition, Usui infers that the ones leading revitalization
efforts are recent immigrants who wish their children to maintain their Japanese
language abilities, and the children of second and third generation Japanese-Americans
who experienced hardships in Hawaii associated with their heritage over the
first half of the 20th century.
More evidence of revitalization comes from Kondo (1999) who believes that the
new second generation Japanese-Americans (children of recent immigrants) are
playing the key role in these efforts at the college and university levels.
However, Kondo points to the problem of literacy in Japanese among Hawaiis
Japanese-Americans. According to her research, many fluent Japanese speakers
are nearly illiterate in the written language due to the limited necessity and
domains of its usage in Hawaii.
CONCLUSION/ FUTURE RESEARCH
When first developing the ideas behind this study, I had very little knowledge
of the complex history of Japanese-Americans in Hawaii, let alone of their language
experiences since the arrival of the first immigrants. Originally thinking that
very little information existed regarding the language use of Hawaiis
Japanese-Americans, I found the opposite to be true. Through a combination of
material from historians, linguists, psychologists, sociologists, and second
language researchers, a thorough, though not quite complete, picture of language
shift in Hawaiis Japanese community may be pieced together. Although this
project has not completely satisfied my original curiosity regarding language
use among Hawaiis Japanese-Americans, in fact I have more questions now
than when I began, I do have a much better understanding of and appreciation
for the various issues involved.
The first wave of monolingual Japanese immigrants to Hawaii made serious efforts
to maintain their cultural and linguistic heritage through the establishment
of Japanese language schools and the perpetuation of their cultural practices.
Due to a combination of linguistic maintenance efforts and the plantation life
of these immigrants, the language use of the Japanese-American community in
Hawaii gradually shifted to bilingualism in their heritage language and in the
plantation pidgin, Hawaii Pidgin English (HPE).
The early Japanese-Americans succeeded in defending their heritage language
maintenance against the tide of Americanization campaigns that reached Hawaii
following World War I. However, the suspicion of anything Japanese following
the attack on Pearl Harbor led to another language shift among Hawaiis
Japanese-Americans. Language schools were closed, the Japanese press was shut
down, and public displays of Japanese cultural practices were forbidden.
After World War II, many Japanese-Americans, in an effort to show their continued
allegiance to America, suspended their cultural and linguistic maintenance.
The result was largely an attempt at English monolingualism by Hawaiis
Japanese-Americans. A generation later, the actual result of this attempt was
a mixture of language use practices: monolingual English as the most dominant,
monolingual HCE (the creolized form of HPE), bilingual English/ HCE, and any
of the previous with the addition of varying degrees of Japanese language abilities.
At the close of the 20th century, another language shift among Hawaiis
Japanese-Americans has been observed and reported. Many recent Japanese immigrants
are making serious efforts at achieving bilingualism in English and Japanese
for themselves and for their children. In addition, many third and fourth generation
Japanese-Americans are studying Japanese due to the heightened value and prestige
of Japanese as an international language and also to connect with their cultural
heritage. These efforts by Japanese-Americans and Japanese immigrants are helping
create a resurgence of Japanese language use in their community.
Several researchers have already reported about the revitalization of Japanese
language use among Hawaiis Japanese-Americans (Usui, 1996; Kondo, 1999).
They have identified some of the factors that contribute to and some of the
factors that inhibit this revitalization. With this established, for future
research I would propose a comprehensive investigation of Japanese-language
revitalization in Hawaii with the objective of developing a set of recommendations
for the Japanese-American community that encourage and perpetuate this trend.
Perhaps if such a set of researched suggestions were made available, the Japanese-American
community would be better prepared for producing fluent and competent Japanese-English
bilinguals in the future.
REFERENCES
August, D. & Hakuta, K. (1998). Educating Language-Minority Children.
Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press.
Baker, C. (1996). Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (2nd
Ed.). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Baker, C. (2000). A Parents' and Teachers' Guide to Bilingualism. Buffalo,
N.Y.: Multilingual Matters.
Crawford, J. (1996). Surviving the English Only Assault: public attitudes
and the future of language education. Internet:
http://ourworld.compuserve.com/homepages/jwcrawford/HL.htm
Crawford, J. (1996). Seven hypotheses on language loss: causes and cures. In
G. Cantoni (Ed.), Stabilizing Indigenous Languages. Flagstaff: Center
for Excellence in Education, Northern Arizona University. Available on the Internet
at
http://www.ncbe.gwu.edu/miscpubs/stabilize/ii-policy/hypotheses.htm
Crawford, J. (1999). Heritage Languages in America: tapping a hidden resource.
Internet: http://ourworld.compuserve.com/homepages/jwcrawford/HL.htm
Cummins, J. (1981). The role of primary language development in promoting educational
success for language minority students. In California Department of Education
(Ed.), Schooling and Language Minority Students: A theoretical framework
(pp. 3-49). L.A.: Evaluation, Dissemination, and Education Center.
Cummins, J. (1983). Heritage Language Education: a literature review.
Toronto, Ont.: Ministry of Education.
Darsie, M. L. (1967). The Mental Capacity of American-born Japanese Children.
N.Y.: Kraus.
Dorian, N.C. (1999). Linguistic and ethnographic fieldwork. In J.A. Fishman
(Ed.), Handbook of Language & Ethnic Identity, (pp. 152-163). Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Fishman, J. A. (1999). Sociolinguistics. In J.A. Fishman (Ed.), Handbook
of Language & Ethnic Identity, (pp. 152-163). Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Garcia, O. (1997). Bilingual education. In F. Coulmas (Ed.), Handbook of
Sociolinguistics, (pp. 406-420). Oxford: Blackwell.
Haas, M. (1992). Institutional Racism: the case of Hawaii. Westport,
CT: Praeger.
Hakuta, K. (1986). Mirror of Language: the debate on bilingualism. N.Y.:
Basic Books.
Jones, M. A. (1992). American Immigration. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Kawamoto, K. Y. (1993). Hegemony and language politics in Hawaii. World Englishes,
12(2), July, 193-207.
Kloss, H. (1977). The American Bilingual Tradition. Rowley, MA: Newbury
House.
Kondo, K. (1999). Japanese Language Learning, Academic Achievement and Identity:
voices of new second generation Japanese-American university students in Hawaii.
Dissertation Abstracts International, A: The Humanities and Social Sciences,
59(8), Feb., 2826-A.
Lin, L. C. (2000). How do Language Minority Students Develop and Maintain
their Native Language while Learning English? Dissertation Abstracts International,
A: The Humanities and Social Sciences, 60(7), Jan., 2339-A-2340-A.
National Center for Education Statistics. (1981). The Retention of Minority
Languages in the United States: a seminar on the analytic work of Calvin J.
Veltman. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Dept. of Education, Office of Educational
Research and Improvement,
National Center for Education Statistics.
Ng, E. (1999). The Impact of Heritage Education on Self-esteem and Ethnic
Identity. Dissertation Abstracts International, A: The Humanities and Social
Sciences, 60(4), Oct., 985-A.
Nordyke, E. C. (1977). The Peopling of Hawaii. Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press.
Padilla, A.M. (1999). Psychology. In J.A. Fishman (Ed.), Handbook of Language
& Ethnic Identity, (pp. 152-163). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Romaine, S. (1999). Changing attitudes to Hawaii Creole English: fo find
one good job, you gotta know how fo talk like one haole. In J. R. Rickford
& S. Romaine (Eds.), Creole Genesis, Attitudes and Discourse: studies
celebrating Charlene J. Sato, (pp.
287-301). Philadelphia, PA: J. Benjamins.
Sato, C. J. (1981). Linguistic Inequality in Hawaii. Los Angeles: UCLA.
Sato, C. J. (1989). Language Attitudes and Sociolinguistic Variation in Hawaii.
University of Hawaii Working Papers in ESL, 8(1), May, 191-216.
Sato, C. J. (1991). Language Change in a Creole Continuum: decreolization?
University of Hawaii Working Papers in ESL,10(1), Spring, 127-147.
Skutnabb-Kangas, T. (1999). Education of minorities. In J.A. Fishman (Ed.),
Handbook of Language & Ethnic Identity, (pp. 42-59). Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Takaki, R. (1989). Strangers from a Different Shore: a history of Asian Americans.
N.Y.: Penguin Books.
Tamura, E. H. (1993). The English-only effort, the anti-Japanese campaign, and
Language acquisition in the education of Japanese Americans in Hawaii, 1915-40.
History of Education Quarterly, 33(1), Spring, 37-58.
Tamura, E. H. (1996). Power, status, and Hawaii Creole English: and example
of linguistic intolerance in American history. Pacific Historical Review
65(3), 431-454.
Thomas, Lee & Cao, Linh. (1999). Language use in family and in society.
The English Journal, 89(1), Sept., 107-113.
Usui, Yoshiko. (1996). An Ethnographic Perspective on Language Shift, Maintenance
and Revitalization: Japanese in Hawai`i. M.A. Thesis. Honolulu: University
of Hawaii at Manoa.
Veltman, C. (1983). Language Shift in the United States. Berlin: Mouton.
Warner, S.N. (1998). Ke Aa Makalei: a planning and implementation project
for Hawaiian language regenesis. Honolulu: Center for Second Language research,
Department of English as a Second Language, University of Hawaii.
contents (c) 2001 Shawn Ford/ Webb-Ed Press
sford@hawaii.edu