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TODA INSTITUTE AND
DIALOGUE AMONG CIVILIZATIONS
Lecture to Be Delivered to SGI in Tokyo, May 9, 1999
By Majid Tehranian
Director, Toda Institute for Global Peace and Policy Research
Professor, University of Hawaii at Manoa
I am honored for having been invited to speak to you today. I have now
had the privilege and pleasure of speaking to SGI groups in many parts of
the world, including Tokyo, Okinawa, Sydney, London, Boston, and Istanbul.
Wherever we have gone to organize international peace conferences for the
Toda Institute, SGI members have warmly welcomed and graciously assisted
us in our task. It is heart warming to meet such a network of sincere global
citizens who graciously offer their time, energy, and services to host our
international guests and assist in the management of our conferences.
In my dialogues with the SGI members, I often run into a series of challenging
questions such as the following:
- Could you explain the Toda Institute's motto, "Dialogue Of Civilizations
for Global Citizenship"?
- Is "civilization" a valid concept to use?
- Can civilizations talk to each other?
- What was the purpose of the Ikeda-Tehranian dialogue?
- What has the Toda Institute done to promote peace and dialogue?
- Where is the Toda Institute going?
I will try here to respond to these questions as best as I can. We also
will have the discussion period. I hope that you raise any other questions,
comments, or proposals that you might have about the Toda Institute and
its mission of promoting global peace and policy through dialogue.
Why did we choose "Dialogue of Civilizations for Global Citizenship"
for the Toda Institute's motto? In my first meeting with President Ikeda
in 1992, our conversation focused on how the legendary Silk Road had served
for centuries as a channel for the exchange of ideas, goods, services, and
technologies among a number of different civilizations from ancient China
to India, Iran, Greece, and Rome. At the time I was on my way to take a
pilgrimage along this road from Honolulu to Tokyo, Beijing, Xian, Urumchi,
Almaty, Dushanbeh, Samarkand, Bukhara, Khojand, Ashkabad, Baku, and Tehran.
President Ikeda expressed a keen interest in my journey and presented me
with an excellent Japanese camera and lots of film to take good pictures.
But what impressed me most was his broad knowledge of the encounters between
Buddhist and Islamic civilizations.
When I met President Ikeda again in 1996 to assume the directorship of
the Toda Institute, we returned to the same theme. I proposed to him that
we write a sequel to his two previous dialogues with Arnold Toynbee and
Johan Galtung. I also proposed "Dialogue of Civilization for Global
Citizenship" for the Toda Institute's motto. President Ikeda welcomed
both proposals. We were obviously on the same wavelengths. We agreed that
the 21st century will be facing great challenges in reconciling the cultural
clashes that globalization is bringing about. These clashes are resulting
from fundamental differences in interests, ideologies, and worldviews. For
example, on the whole, Western civilizations emphasize individual rights
and freedoms in society while Eastern civilizations stress obligations
and responsibilities to society. As the world draws closer together
economically, politically, and culturally, such different cultural values
are bound to clash and impede international progress and peace.
There is a clear need therefore for a dialogue among civilizations to
negotiate a new set of values for the development of a global civilization
that combines the best features of all past human civilizations. Some elements
of such a global cultural formation are already with us. In engaged Buddhism
and Sufism, for instance, I have found worldviews that transcend religious,
ethnic, and national boundaries to speak to the human yearnings for universal
meaning, beauty, truth, goodness, and peace. Since its inception, Soka Gakkai
has been actively engaged in creating values and practices that could lay
the foundations for a world without borders. In his dialogue with Johan
Galtung (p. 30), President Ikeda makes this explicit:
"I consider myself a citizen of the world and, by travelling and
working for the sake of peace for all peoples everywhere, try to be worthy
of the title. In 1975, on the occasion of the First Soka Gakkai International
World Peace Conference, held on the island of Guam, we all signed an official
register. In the citizenship column beside my name, I wrote: 'the World.'
I have undertaken travels to Asia, the Middle East, Europe, the Soviet Union,
and North, Central, and South America, not for the sake of any single nation
or religion, but because I consider it my duty and mission as a Buddhist."
Sufism also offers such a worldview. As the Islamic mystical tradition,
Sufism developed out of the cultural encounters of Islam with Zoroastarianism,
Mithraism, Platonism, Christianity, and Buddhism,. Engaged Buddhism and
Sufism thus offer us a path that respects and, indeed, celebrates human
and natural diversity without losing sight of those common rights and responsibilities
that we all face as world citizens. As Sa'adi, the great 13th century Sufi
poet, has said:
"The children of Adam are members of the same body.
For in creation, they are made of the same essence.
As one membrane moans, others suffer and groan.
Similar sentiments abound in a variety of cultures. John Donne, the 17th
century English metaphysical poet, expresses exactly the same sentiments
when he says:
"No man is an island entire of itself;
Every man is a piece of a continent,
A part of the main;
If a Clod be washed away by the Sea,
Europe is the less,
As well as if a Promontory were,
As well as if a Manor of thy friends or of thine own were;
Any man's death diminishes me
Because I am involved with mankind,
And therefore never send to know
For whom the toll bells;
It tolls for thee."
Rumi, the 13th century Sufi poet and Walt Whitman, the 19th century American
poet, also speak with the same voice and almost the same metaphors:
"Come, Come!
Whoever you are.
It does not matter.
Whether you are an infidel, an idolater, or a fire worshipper.
Our temple is not a place of despair,
Even if you have broken your oath a thousand times.
Come again!"
Now listen to Walt Whitman in his "Song of Myself" (1855) singing
for universal love and democracy:
"I speak the password primeval; I give the sign of democracy,
By God! I will accept nothing which all cannot have their counterpart of
on the same terms.
Through me many long dumb voices,
Voices of interminable generations of prisoners and slaves,
Voices of the diseased and despairing and of thieves and dwarfs,
Voices of cycles of preparation and accretion,
And of the threads that connect the stars, and of wombs and of the father-stuff,
And of the rights of them the other are down upon,
Of the deformed, trivial, foolish, despised,
Fog in the air, beetles rolling balls of dung."
The Board of Directors of the Toda Institute chose "dialogue of
civilizations for global citizenship" as a motto in order to resonate
with the perennial philosophy of love and compassion in all traditions of
civility. The motto urges us to work hard for world peace on the basis of
our common spiritual heritage in Hindu, Buddhist, Confucian, Taoist, Judaic,
Christian, Islamic, humanist, and indigenous civilizations. The motto also
highlights our mission toward a new global civilization in which all past
civilizations will have a share through dialogue and negotiation of meaning
for global norms in human rights and responsibilities.
However, all this talk of "civilization" raises a disturbing
question. Is "civilization" an appropriate concept to use? Haven't
all the past and present imperialist ventures employed this concept to camouflage
their hegemonic and exploitative intentions? Wasn't European colonialism
carried out under the banner of "the White Man's burden"? Wasn't
American imperialism pushed forward under the flag of "Manifest Destiny"?
Wasn't Japanese imperialism sponsored under the notions of "co-prosperity
sphere"? In recent years, haven't the bombings of Iraq and Yugoslavia
been carried out in the name of "humanitarian intervention"?
We are all hostages to our languages. Noble concepts such as freedom,
democracy, and civilization are often employed to enact the very opposite
of what they were initially purported to convey. Should we give up using
them? Or, alternatively, should we engage in the politics of discourse and
try as best as we can to save the concepts and their realities?
I propose the latter course of action. So has the United Nations General
Assembly. At the suggestion of President Mohammad Khatami of Iran, the General
Assembly has unanimously declared the year 2001, "Year of Dialogue
among Civilizations." The Toda Institute's motto may have contributed
to this decision. On January 3, 1998, one of my former students in Tehran
called me up and sought my advice on how President Khatami should address
the American people during his January 7th interview with Christine Amanpour
on the CNN. He further explained to me that as a media advisor to President
Khatami, he would pass on my suggestions. I suggested three points. First,
I proposed that it does not matter what he says as long as he says it with
a smile! I was, of course, jesting. But I was also making the obvious point
that television images are more nonverbal than verbal. As such, the impression
you create of your personality and attitude toward the world matters more
than the details of what you say on television. Fortunately, President Khatami
has a charming personality and he made a great television appearance. Second,
I argued that if he is going to criticize U. S. foreign policies as he is
bound to do, he should begin by paying homage to the great American traditions
of democracy and fair play. Third, I proposed that through CNN, he is also
speaking to a world audience and his message must have a global content.
Under the current global cultural clashes, I suggested that "dialogue
among civilizations" is an imperative and constitutes an appropriate
message. Those of you who have watched that interview, know that President
Khatami articulated all these views with great skill and charm. The result
has been a thawing of the cold war between the United States and Iranian
governments.
The lesson of this anecdote is obvious. As Zoroastarianism and Buddhism
have taught us, good thoughts are conducive to good speech, and good speech
is conducive to good deeds. Our conflicts of interests and ideals inevitably
reflect themselves in our usage of language. Although conflict in life cannot
be avoided, we can exacerbate or manage and resolve conflicts by our good
thoughts, speech, and action. We must therefore choose our words carefully.
Like all other forms of politics, politics of discourse is ubiquitous in
life. We cannot avoid it by burying our head in the sand. We also cannot
hide behind the dubious comforts of moral relativism. Civilization is the
sum total of our civility, civic responsibility, and citizenship. That is
why, in the Prospectus to the Toda Institute's research program on Human
Security and Global Governance, we wrote:
"Like other conceptual categories such as culture, ethnicity, or
nationality, "civilization" is admittedly a fuzzy concept, but
we have found it a useful metaphor for approaching the current normative
conflicts in the world. A civilization possesses a more or less coherent
cosmology based on a long tradition of material and cultural creativity
marked by unique ontological, epistemological, and praxiological perspectives.
In addition to the traditional Judaic, Christian, Islamic, Hindu, Buddhist,
Confucian, and indigenous civilizations, we may also speak of a modern,
secular, humanist, scientific, and technological civilization that has both
integrated and fragmented the world for the past five centuries. All traditional
civilizations have come under the impact of modern civilization and are
facing their own crisis in reconciling their traditional values with the
new technological imperatives. In this process, a new world civilization
is being negotiated among competing worldviews, e.g. individualism vs. collectivism,
equality vs. hierarchy. In order to preserve diversity in unity, the new
world civilization needs to be based on the contributions of all past human
civilizations."
But can civilizations talk to each other? Civilizations are not organic
entities to have brains and tongues, but they interact through their representative
spokespersons. President Ikeda's numerous dialogues with a variety of world
political and cultural leaders clearly demonstrates this point. No civilization
is however a completely harmonious entity. No spokesperson of a civilization
can speak with authority on the complex variety of its dimensions and traditions.
In fact, all civilizations possess within themselves fundamental tensions
that are inherent in the universal human conditions of finitude, fragility,
forgetfulness, and moral frailty. Tensions such as those between transcendence
and immanence, mysticism and positivism, freedom and responsibility, autonomy
and dependence, individualism and collectivism are recurrent themes in every
civilization. Intra-civilizational dialogue is therefore as essential as
inter-civilizational dialogue.
When President Ikeda and I entered into our dialogic venture, now published
in Ushio in a series of eight installments (October 1998-May 1999),
we could not pretend to be exclusive spokespersons for Buddhism and Islam.
However, we both had knowledge of our own cultural traditions. In the case
of President Ikeda, he is also the leader of a global, lay Buddhist organization,
in command of the history and development of Buddhism in general and Nichirin
Buddhism in particular. By contrast, I am a peace scholar whose research
has focused on the Islamic world and whose career has led him to think seriously
about inter-civilizational conflicts and exchanges. Although we are unified
in our common journey to world peace through dialogue, our conversation
reflects our different backgrounds and our efforts to build a cultural bridge.
The volume that is going to come out of this venture will hopefully contribute
to the dialogue among civilizations in general and the Buddhist-Islamic
dialogue in particular.
This brings us to another question that is often posed to me: What has
the Toda Institute done to promote dialogue? Since the Toda Institute's
mission is global rather than national or regional, we decided early on
not to employ a research staff of our own. Instead, we collaborate with
peace scholars and institutes everywhere to implement our projects. In order
to maximize the impact of our work, we also decided to focus on a timely
and critical problem that is facing the 21st century, namely Human Security
and Global Governance.
Our commitment to dialogue among civilizations, however, called for a
unique methodology. We adopted a method that brings scholars, policymakers,
and community leaders of different nationalities and cultural backgrounds
to engage each other dialogically rather than adversarially on a given theme
for an intense period of two to three days. The results of these exchanges
are then written up into chapters that constitute an integrated whole on
problems of human security. Scholars, policymakers, and civil society leaders
are communities that often don't speak to each other. In this fashion, new
perspectives on old problems are opened up to all participants. At the end
of each conference, we negotiate a division of labor on how to produce a
scholarly volume that is also policy oriented in order to provide recommendations
for the international community. The first crop of the Toda Institute Book
Series is appearing in 1999-2000 and will include the following volumes:
- Worlds Apart: Human Security and Global Governance Edited by
Majid Tehranian. London: I. B. Tauris, 1999
-
- Asian Peace: Security and Governance in the Asia-Pacific Region
Edited by Majid Tehranian. London: I. B. Tauris, 1999
-
- Nuclear Disarmament: Obstacles to Overcome Edited by Jozef Goldblat.
London: I. B. Tauris, 2000
-
- Not By Bread Alone: Food Security and Governance in Africa Edited
by Adelane Ogunrinade, Ruth Oniang'o, and Julian May. Johannesburg: University
of Witwaterstrand Press, 2000
-
- Globalization, Employment, and Quality of Life Edited by Don
Lamberton. London: I. B. Tauris, 2000
-
- Globalization, Migration, and Cultural Security Edited by Jonathan
Friedman and Shalini Randeria. London: I. B. Tauris, 2000
But the Toda Institute is not a purely academic research institute. We
also aspire to make an impact on peace policies and practices. Two projects,
in particular, are pursuing this aim. HUGG UN and HUGG West Asia are their
code names.
HUGG UN is a project in collaboration with La Trobe University and Focus
on the Global South. We have so far had two working group meetings in Melbourne
and Bangkok with a third one planned for New York. The focus is on three
inter-related themes: humanitarian intervention, international financial
flows, and global governance reform. An Eminent Persons Advisory Group will
review the report prior to its publication and will assist in its dissemination
and consideration by the international community. Members of this group
include Gareth Evans (Former Foreign Minister of Australia and currently
an MP), Richard Falk (Princeton University), Boutros Boutros Ghali (former
UN Secretary-General, currently Secretary-General of Francophonie Organization),
Noeleen Heyser (UNIFEM), and Javad Zarif (Deputy Foreign Minister of Iran
representing the Organization of Islamic Conference). The project will conclude
by the presentation of its report and recommendations to the Secretary-General
of the United Nations.
The design and preparations for the Institute's major new initiative
for peace and security in the West Asian region took place mostly in 1998.
In this process, two major obstacles had to be overcome. First, the conflict
over the name of the project was resolved by renaming it from HUGG Gulf
to HUGG West Asia. The Arab participants would not have taken part in the
project if the region were to be called by its historic name, the Persian
Gulf. The Iranians would have refused participation if the project were
to be called by what the Arabs seemed to prefer, namely "the Arab Gulf."
A compromise was reached by calling the project HUGG West Asia, a label
that accurately fits the region more than the colonial label of "the
Middle East." The latter is a strategic military appellation devoid
of any historical or cultural content. The term "Middle East"
was coined by U. S. Captain Alfred Mahan in the late 19th century. He argued
that in order to have world domination, a state must have naval superiority
through control of landmasses lying between Near East and Far East, i. e.
the Middle East.
A second obstacle to overcome was the traditional suspicions and conspiracy
theories that characterize the colonial past of the region. Two bloody wars
in the last two decades and a creeping third one have taken their toll on
trust. We had a triple T problem: Tehranian, Toda, and Tudeh. Initially
some Arab colleagues suspected that the project is an Iranian government
conspiracy because the director of the Toda Institute happens to be from
Iran. Once they were assured on this score, an imaginative colleague suggested
that Toda corresponds to Tudeh, the name of the Iranian Communist Party.
The project must be therefore a communist conspiracy! We obviously had to
explain who Mr. Josei Toda was before we could get clearance from this conspiracy
theory. Finally, someone suggested that since the conference is being held
in Istanbul, it must be a Turkish-American-Israeli conspiracy against the
rest of West Asia. Our reasons for the choice of Istanbul, however, were
convincing enough to dispel that suspicion. To avoid partiality, we did
not want to hold the first conference at any of the littoral states. Istanbul
was the nearest major city to the region that we could find.
On the other hand, there were many good omens for the project. As an
independent initiative supported by several peace and policy research institutes
from outside of the region, the project allayed the fears of partiality
and manipulation. The co-sponsoring organizations include the Toda Institute,
Copenhagen Peace Research Institute, Norwegian Institute of International
Affairs, and Center for Middle Eastern and Central Asian Studies of Australian
National University. Other peace and policy NGOs have been cordially invited
to join the project. The distinguished diplomats and scholars who accepted
our invitation to join the International Commission also helped to ally
other fears. Funding by a lay Buddhist organization in Japan also contributed
to confidence building in the project.
The first meeting of the International Commission for Security and Cooperation
in West Asia took place successfully on March 6-7, 1999, in Istanbul, Turkey.
The fact that countries that have broken diplomatic relations could meet
in an atmosphere of friendship and cooperation helped us to build confidence
among them as a prelude to serious negotiations. Professor Saleh Alkhatlan,
the Commission member from Saudi Arabia, has eloquently expressed the positive
feelings that came out of the Istanbul conference:
"I send you my deepest thanks for two days of fruitful and informative
discussion. I really enjoyed our meetings and strongly believe that the
conference was a big success. As it was discussed in the meetings, misperception
is a major obstacle to security and cooperation in the region, so please
see if Toda's experience in enhancing communications and global understanding
may help in overcoming such cognitive problems. You will be happy to know
that today I am sending an e-mail to our colleagues from the Iranian Institute
of Political and International Studies (IPIS) to say hello and thank them
for frank and sincere discussions. To my knowledge this is the first e-mail
contact between Riyadh and Tehran and it would have not been, it were not
for Toda (not Tudeh). May Allah help us in achieving our objectives and
see the Gulf stable and its peoples happy and prosperous. Thanks again and
keep up the good work."
Let me elaborate on the methods of the project. As a triple-track diplomatic
initiative, the project consists of an International Commission acting as
a second track while a third track of peace scholars would feed it with
proposals to promote a regional non-aggression pact, an arms control agreement,
and a regional cooperation organization. Mr. Yasushi Akashi, former UN Under-Secretary-General
and current Director of the Hiroshima Peace Institute, has graciously accepted
to chair the Commission until a permanent chair is elected. Commission membership
consists of representatives from the eight littoral states (Iran, Iraq,
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Oman, and Qatar), the
five permanent members of the UN Security Council (United States, Russia,
Britain, France, and China), and the UN Secretary-General's office.
One final question: what is the future of the Toda Institute? As the
21st century unfolds, we face unprecedented challenges and opportunities.
The opening of a new century has always served as a symbolic turning point
in human history. The 21st century is not an exception. The world stands
at a historical juncture on the roads to self-destruction or self-renewal.
On the one hand, an environmental catastrophe, a nuclear holocaust, a war
among ethnic groups, or among powerful regional blocs (fortress North America
vs. fortress Western Europe vs. fortress East Asia), a population explosion
of unprecedented magnitude, a division of the world between rich and poor
gated ghettoes, and a protracted terrorist war, armed by conventional and
unconventional weapons, all seem to be distinct possibilities. On the other
hand, human achievements in science, technology, telecommunication, education,
and social organization have opened up new potentials for reaching new heights
in human civilization. The conquest of ignorance, poverty, and suffering,
the achievement of a new harmony among nations and between nature and humanity,
and the development of a new sense of world community for the exploration
of the outer and inner spaces, all seem within reach.
Along with all of the other global peace and policy institutes, the role
of the Toda Institute is to act as the eye, ear, mind, and heart of all
the peace-loving people of the world. That is a grave intellectual and moral
responsibility. With the unflinching support of Presidents Ikeda and Akiya,
our Board of Directors, our small and very dedicated staff in Tokyo and
Honolulu, and last but least, all of our SGI friends, we will do our utmost
to fulfill our obligations to the best of our ability. As stated by SGI's
objectives (Richard Causton, The Buddha in Daily Life: An Introduction
to the Buddhism of Nichimen Daishonin. London: Rider, 1995, p. 269),
our goals are the same as yours:
1. To work for the prosperity of society as good [global] citizens, respecting
the culture, customs and laws where [we] reside.
2. To promote the development of humanistic culture and education based
on the tenets of Nichiren Daishonin's Buddhism [and all other world traditions
of civility].
3. To support the United Nations' efforts for world peace by working
towards the goals of abolition of [all weapons of mass destruction], the
universal renunciation of war in accordance with the spirit of the UN Charter,
and the solution to the problems of poverty, oppression, and environmental
degradation that threaten our planet.
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