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Volume 19, Number 2
July-December 1987
DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS
UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII AT MANOA
HONOLULU 96822
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'CUES' IN FLAMENCO PERFORMANCE:
EXPOSING A HIDDEN SPEECH GENRE
Mariana Maduell
1. Introduction
Unlike dance forms such as traditional classical
ballet, which consists solely of dance done to musical
accompaniment, many 'ethnic dance' forms are really 'multi-
media events' having visual, musical, and verbal elements.
The visual element consists of the actual physical orien-
tation of the performance, including an audience and
costumed performers in a stage area who perform the body
movements (dance and otherwise) of the performance. The
musical element includes any instrumental or vocal musical
accompaniment or rhythmical hand clapping, finger snapping,
tongue-clicking, etc. The verbal element consists of one
or more types of verbalization (e.g. song, recitation,
introductory remarks, translation, etc.) that are either
essential to or enhance the quality of the performance.
Because these verbalizations obey distinctive rules with
respect to form, function, and participation, they are
suitable objects of study for that part of the ethnography
of speaking concerned with verbal art (Bauman and Sherzer
1974, Bauman 1977).
In addition to these performance component types of
verbalization, there is also sometimes a need for other
verbalization that does not correspond to any 'performance'
category. Such is the case in flamenco, a 'multi-media
event' which originated in Andalusia in the south of Spain,
and which, although now performed worldwide, retains a
Spanish identity and uses Spanish for on-stage verbali-
zation whenever possible. The term flamenco describes not
only the performance as a whole, but also its components
(e.g. flamenco dancing, flamenco singing, flamenco guitar,
FLAMENCOS--the members of the community, etc.). Flamenco
the 'multi-media event' contains both of the above types
of verbalization. I have given the name 'cues' to one
category of utterances belonging to this second type of
verbalization. The way such 'cues' are handled, and how
they occur without disrupting the orderly process of the
performance, is to be explored in this paper. An explo-
ration of 'cues' can be seen as including the following:
1) defense of the status of 'cues' as a distinct but
unnamed speech genre,
2) description of the forms, functions, and rules
governing the use of 'cues' in flamenco performance, and
3) defense of context as the key to understanding
'cues'.
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On a larger scale, the paper can be seen as present-
ing as an example one group's strategies of language use
in a situation in which language is not the 'main event'
or focal point of the situation, and in which certain
functional types of language use must occur without being
noticed by some of the participants.
Certain issues and themes of long-standing interest to
linguists surface at various points in the paper. These
include the definition of 'word', disguised speech, language
as action, speech as disruption, and speech as the main-
tainer of order (with order as a result of control in the
case of flamenco). I have used ideas from these areas
whenever they seemed relevant to the development of my
description. They are presented as support for my own work
rather than as attempts to resolve any ongoing debates.
2. Delineating and naming an unnamed genre
Transcription of audio tapes of flamenco performances
and even interviews with FLAMENCOS will generally yield
examples of two or three types of on-stage verbalization:
CANTE 'song, singing', JALEO 'calls of encouragement to
fellow performers and the audience', and, more rarely,
RECITACIO'N, POESI'A or POEMA 'recited poetry' (Maduell
1984). These categories may occur in isolation from each
other or there may be intentional interaction between them
(e.g. when JALEO comments on the content of CANTE between
the lines of the song, suggesting conversation with the
singer); there also is some overlap in content (e.g.,
certain singing or reciting by non-'singers' is done as
part of JALEO). CANTE and RECITACIO'N / POESI'A / POEMA
belong to sung and unsung (respectively) subgenres under
the genre lyric poetry.
Support for CANTE as a poetic 'genre' in flamenco
comes from folklore, philology, and linguistics (Machado y
Alvarez 1975 (1881), Schuchardt 1881, and Ropero Nu'n~ez
1978), but it is because of the existence of parallel
genres described in the work of Bricker (1974) and Gossen
(1978) on Mayan speech genres and the treatment of JALEO in
flamencologist Gonza'lez Climent's (1955) work that I feel
justified in claiming that RECITACIO'N / POESI'A / POEMA
and JALEO are also distinctive genres.
Genres are categories of speech acts that are named
(e.g. poem, myth, prayer, riddle, etc.) and have formal
characteristics of communication that distinguish them from
other verbal activities. These characteristics may also
determine the specific genre membership of identical speech
acts; a genre is not a speech act, although a speech act
may be a member of one or more genres (Hymes 1974, Tyler
1978). The problem of unnamed categories in flamenco
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begins with consideration of JALEO, and the situation is
further complicated by my proposed genre 'cues'. Both
JALEO and 'cues' consist of single statement 'calls'. The
corresponding word for 'calls' in Spanish is GRITOS 'cries,
shouts', but some 'calls' are not shouted, but rather
'murmured' (both GRITOS and MURMURA 'he murmurs' appear in
Gonza'lez Climent), and the term GRITOS also includes
screams, which are not properly classified as a speech
genre or subgenre. The term GRITOS would be understood in
context by the community as including these phenomena
despite the contradictions above, but the term 'calls'
better describes the higher category.
LLAMADA, another possible Spanish equivalent for a
'call' of this type, is also problematic, because it con-
flicts with an existing usage; LLAMADA is the name for a
specific part of certain flamenco dances and is only used
with that meaning in flamenco.
Attempts to find an appropriate term for 'cues' fare
considerably worse. Dictionary entries under CUE (theatri-
cal sense) include PIE and SEN~AL (Larousse 1986), APUNTE,
INDIRECTA, and SUGESTIO'N (Vela'zquez 1985); most other
dictionaries list APUNTE or PIE. In my interaction with
the flamenco community both as longtime member (dancer)
and as observer, I have never heard any of these used to
describe the 'cues' I am referring to. APUNTE is the term
I am most familiar with, but the fact that it has connota-
tions of something written down forces me to reject it,
as flamenco 'cues' are not written down. INDIRECTA has
some potential because of its 'indirectness', but ques-
tioning informants has not yet yielded an 'official' name.
Several names have been suggested, notably POSTILLA 'note,
annotation, clarification (lit. "scab")' and PIE 'a word
recitation type of cue (lit. "foot"--more theatre than
flamenco)' by Beatriz Morales (a non-FLAMENCA herself, but
with Andalusian connections), and CONSEJOS 'advice, coun-
sel' by Cruz Luna (a dancer / choreographer). I have not
heard flamencos use either POSTILLA or PIE. CONSEJOS is
a word I might choose if I wished to leave a good impres-
sion on outsiders when asked about the phenomenon.
Guitarist Ted Lippman echoed my feelings by saying that
CONSEJOS sounded like something someone's nice grandmother
would say.
The 'cues' in question do not share the 'nice' feeling
of CONSEJOS. They are given and received with a certain
amount of physical tension. In earlier work I have called
them DIRECCIONES 'stage directions' and INSTRUCCIONES
'instructions', but the former would be more appropriate to
a rehearsal situation, the latter to a class (instructional)
situation. I now lean toward 'cues' for reasons relating
to the forms they take in the performance situation.
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The apparent lack of official genre names for 'calls'
and 'cues' is not cause for undue concern; they are merely
unlabelled nodes in my current taxonomy of flamenco per-
formance speech. I have given them names in order to
facilitate description and because I believe them to be
real categories. Somewhat paradoxically, in the case of
'cues', an 'unnamed' status actually strengthens some of
the claims I intend to make.
3. A genre in hiding
I have no discernable examples of 'cues' on audio tape
(with more than 20 hours of taped performances available),
and informants never mention them (no informant has ever
told me: 'well, there's CANTE, and JALEO; maybe sometimes a
poet will perform a poem, and then there's "(cues)"').
I believe that the main reason that 'cues' are not
named is because they are 'not there', or at least not
supposed to be there. Carrying this argument one step
further, if a genre 'cues' did not in fact exist, then
there would be no need to posit a genre 'calls'; JALEO
would stand alone.
In an ideal situation 'cues' should not be necessary;
a performance should be technically perfect, due either to
the artistry of the performers or an effective rehearsal
schedule, or both. 'Cues' are an attempt to maintain or
reestablish order when some technical aspect of the per-
formance has gotten, or is about to get, out of control.
When 'cues' become necessary, they are given in such a
way that they would have the desired effect but not be
noticed by the audience, as this would detract from the
performance. An attempt is made to disguise them as some-
thing else, something that is part of the performance.
They may hide behind gestures or be quieter than the music,
or they may try to pass themselves off to the audience as
JALEO. Only in situations of extreme urgency will a 'cue'
surface as something noticeable. Michael L. Forman (1987,
personal communication) has suggested that key (as used in
the ethnography of speaking), which identifies the spirit
of an act (Tyler 1978) or 'how' an act is done (seriously,
falsely, etc.), may be a relevant consideration with
respect to disguised speech. 'Cues' may adopt the words
and vocal quality of JALEO, but the spirit of JALEO
contrasts sharply with that of its imitator.
Tyler provides a further insight that could apply to
flamenco 'cues': 'In [some] cases, talk is not only un-
related to its purposes, it is intended to both obscure
and reveal them ... Talk unrelated to its purposes can be
a form of metaphor' (Tyler 1978:411). Such 'unrelated'
talk could also be seen in terms of code rather than key,
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as a form of code-switching (an insight provided by Forman
(1987, personal communication)), where JALEO is given in a
'public' code meant to be heard and understood by all pres-
ent, and 'cues' are given in a private 'performer' code
heard and understood only by the performers, a sort of
'foreign language'.
Because 'cues' frequently imitate JALEO, it is
necessary to be able to distinguish between the two
categories. General criteria include
1. content: 'cue' constructs tend to simulate JALEO
in form if possible, but they always differ in meaning from
their target forms.
2. direction of comments: 'cues' are generally
directed at fellow performers of equal or lesser status or
focus, and to the group as a whole, and hidden from the
audience; JALEO is directed at the focal performer(s) and
at the audience.
3. code-switching: JALEO in a 'public' code, 'cues'
in 'performer' code.
4. time of action: 'cues' comment on need for
immediate future action; JALEO comments on present and
immediate past action.
5. use of meaningful gesture: 'cues' do; JALEO
doesn't.
6. predictability in terms of control: 'cues' are;
JALEO isn't.
7. function: 'cues' maintain and restore control on a
technical level, JALEO on an emotional level.
8. interaction with CANTE: JALEO does; 'cues' don't.
9. clusters: JALEO may occur in conversational
clusters; 'cues' are always single statements.
10. status as verbal art: JALEO is; 'cues' aren't.
4. Form and function of 'cues'
There is great variety in the form 'cues' may take;
they could be seen as occurring along a continuum ranging
from silence, the 'not-cue' (the absence of or lack of ne-
cessity for a 'cue', the preferred or normal situation--Key
1975), to specific verbal instructions given at normal-to-
loud volume:
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'not-cue': silence
'cue': nonverbal: 1. generalized 'pointing'
gesture (e.g. a look or
raised eyebrow)
2. 'word' gesture
(conventionalized or
rehearsed meaningful
gesture or use of higher
volume in PALMAS
'rhythmical hand
clapping')
verbal: 1. 'calls' disguised as JALEO
(indirect speech)
2. low volume direct speech
3. high volume direct speech
both: double ('cue' gesture reinforced
with direct speech)
We see that 'cues' include nonverbal categories that
might not have general acceptance as appropriate subjects
for linguistic study. For the most part, I would respect
that barrier, but a case can and should be made for certain
conventionalized meaningful gestures that are either known
as 'lexical' items to the performing community or agreed
upon in rehearsal as gesture equivalents for other specific
'lexical' items. This category of meaningful gesture 'cues'
includes not only visual, but also rhythmical 'cues' given
during PALMAS. I maintain that there is no significant
difference between these particular visual or rhythmical
gesture 'cues' and their verbal equivalents, and I will
term all such 'lexical' items 'words'. The following
considerations lend support to my claim:
1) Equal emphasis is given to visual, verbal, and
musical elements of performance. If we consider speech to
be a subcategory of action (Gatewood 1985, Marcondes de
Souza 1984, Altree 1973, and others), then there is no
reason to separate my 'cue' gestures from verbal 'cues'.
2) The gestures appear during music, song, and dance
yet they are not music, song, or dance. The fact that they
have individual specific 'word' meanings and can substitute
for verbal acts contrasts with both natural body movements
and dance movements and with basic rhythmic accompaniment,
which have expressive functions in communication. 'Cues'
have directive function; they effect behavior in the
respondent (Key 1975).
3) Flamenco is not a literary art. Ong's (1982)
notion of the separation of verbal from nonverbal as a
function of a community's having a history of literacy or
printing is relevant. Although literature on flamenco
exists, it is written mostly by non-FLAMENCOS. If the
acquisition of literacy is what separates gestures from
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words, then I need say no more in my defense of my 'cue'
gestures as 'words'.
Common conventionalized meaningful gestures in
flamenco include a series of several up-and-down movements
of a dancer's fingers with the arm lowered and the palm
facing up or down (which is equivalent to 'faster' and
'slower' respectively), increase in volume and increase or
decrease in velocity of PALMAS (same 'faster' / 'slower'
meaning as the visual gesture), increased volume on certain
regularly patterned handclaps in PALMAS (meaning 'here's
where we should be now with respect to the rhythm'),
transitional 'cues' such as the gesture for the LLAMADA,
and any gesture preset in rehearsal so that the performing
ensemble will know that when person A does gesture B in
situation C, it is the same as if A said the word(s) 'D'
verbally.
Examples of verbal 'cues' with literal and actual
translations include
DESPACITO 'slowly (diminutive), i.e.
"slow down"';
CUIDADO CON LAS PALMAS 'careful with the clapping,
i.e. "you're getting out of
rhythm"';
(CUIDADO CON) ESE MANTO'N 'careful with) that shawl,
i.e., e.g., "you're too close
to the guitarist; be careful
when you swing your shawl; you
might get the fringe tangled
on the pegs"'.
Even OLE and HALA, the most frequent terms used in
JALEO may serve as 'cues', but their function parallels
that of 'pointing' gestures; they are verbal raised eye-
brows. ESE MANTO'N (divorced from its complete construction
above) is another example of a jaleo-disguised 'cue', as it
could also mean that the dancer uses a shawl well. While
more specific in reference than OLE or HALA, its incomplete-
ness still allows sufficient ambiguity to hide it from the
audience.
The 'cue' function of maintaining and restoring
technical control, in the performance, of (re)establishing
order, is obvious in the examples above. 'Cues' are
responses to a situation out of control that requires
immediate responsive corrective action on a nonverbal
level, and in fact, verbal response would be inappropriate
(as in Gardner 1984) as it would disrupt the performance,
inhibit the restoration of order; 'cues' are worded in such
a way that there is no warrant for offense to be taken by
any participant, and consequently no warrant for a verbal
response given in anger.
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'Cues' have a certain degree of spontaneity. This, in
addition to their position as response to a situation out
of control makes comparison with Goffman's (1984) category
of 'floor cues' almost unavoidable, especially since the
word 'cues' appears in his category name. The response
cries called 'floor cues' are used to catch attention, to
open the floor for listeners to respond or act. A specific
spoken reply is not required, and the cry is specialized
for an informative role (Note that 'cry' is one of the
glosses for GRITO, one of the terms considered for my
category 'calls'; Goffman's 'cries' also include a category
of audible glee, which has parallels in JALEO). 'Cues'
reflect these same characteristics. One point of contrast
is that Goffman considers his 'cries' to be nonlexical,
whereas I extend lexical status past my verbal 'cries' to
include gesture.
Goffman (1984) views silence as the norm, with talk
requiring a warrant. In flamenco, if we view silence as
lack of need for 'cue', where only CANTE and JALEO violate
the verbal silence, then the situation is identical. Si-
lence is also significant to Key (1975), as an indication
that the performance is proceeding in an acceptable manner,
and to Basso (1970), because silence is nondisruptive and
because it is the proper choice when relative roles and
statuses are ambiguous. In situations like flamenco per-
formance, where focus shifts and role can be seen in terms
of both focus and status, ambiguity may not be resolved
until the need for a 'cue' is critical. This may result
in either 1) loss of technical control in the performance
due to lack of 'cue' or 2) 'cuing' by an unexpected partic-
ipant, a participant of lesser status and focus, out of the
urgency of the situation.
The importance of indirectness is closely tied to
ambiguity. Ambiguous direction of remarks, such as to the
performing ensemble as a whole, reduces the possibility of
giving offense to individuals, even if a particular indi-
vidual is the target of the 'cue'. Any remark aimed at
the group can be seemingly ignored by the individual in
question; he is allowed to adjust his performance without
being 'pointed out'. In fact, since he was not singled
out, he has no right to dispute the criticism; to do so
would show paranoia and lack of professionalism (Gardner
1984).
Indirectness is also apparent in the choice of 'cue'.
The general rule appears to be: 'Don't say it if you can
gesture it; don't spell it out unless you have to'. If
silence or absence of 'cue' is the optimum channel of
communication, then preference for gesture over speech and
indirect or hidden speech over direct seem logical choices--
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an emphasis on what is 'unsaid' rather than 'said' (Tyler
1978).
At first it would seem that indirectness would
conflict with 'cuing', since 'cues' seem to function as
imperatives (even though they do not have the shape of
grammatical imperatives); they are delivered as though they
were imperatives, commanding / demanding a reaction, even
though the demand may be expressed indirectly. If we down-
grade them in forcefulness to desideratives, rather than
imperatives, and if we remember that polite speech in Span-
ish also tends to be less direct than the everyday variety,
then indirectness of content can also be seen in light of
avoiding giving offense.
Polite and other indirect speech makes disambiguation
of roles unnecessary. Roles in flamenco performance change
constantly, and allowable interaction on stage is deter-
mined by role. Role change factors include focus, i.e.
whether the participant is the / a focal performer (e.g.
solo dancer) at the moment, and status, i.e. whether the
participant is company head, lead dancer, a 'star', a long-
term member of the ensemble, etc., all of these reflecting
high status. General rules of interaction based on role
are that JALEO is given by less focal to more focal per-
formers, but 'cues' are given by focal performers, heads
of company, and higher status or more focal participants to
lower status or less focal ones (except when a lower status
participant is temporarily more focal than a higher status
one or when lack of a 'cue' could result in danger to
performer or musical instruments).
Interaction among genres is also rule-governed.
Whereas in JALEO comments may interact with lines of songs
(those with light, happy content) or even with themselves
(occurring in thematically linked clusters similar to con-
versations), 'cues' may only hide behind JALEO; they do
not purposefully interact with CANTE, JALEO, or each other.
Only 'public' code genres are allowed real interaction;
interaction of sanctioned genres with hidden genres would
expose what is meant to be invisible, hence, 'cues' occur
as single statements related to situations, not as parts
of conversations.
5. 'Cues' and context
To understand how 'cues' function it is necessary to
examine them in their proper context--as part of a larger
activity, a performance. A performance is an excellent
example of a highly sequenced group activity (Gatewood
1985) in which individuals have functions, roles, and
obligations, and all of these are part of their work (which
includes contributing to the smooth flow of the group
performance). The action of 'cuing' in this context is a
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Page 42:
group obligation centered on each individual in the group
knowing when it is his job to give a 'cue', what form it
should take, and what the proper resulting action should
be. It involves understanding the performance as a whole
(and the proper context for a 'cue'), not just
understanding what a 'cue' is.
'Cues' have no meaning in a void, out of context, and
without understanding of the whole context of performance,
they may assume an inaccurate meaning, especially in light
of their preference for indirectness. This concept of
context as the key to meaning goes beyond 'cues' and beyond
linguistics, probably even beyond the behavioral sciences.
It is a central concern of all of my references and, in
fact, in any responsible analysis. In the case of 'cues',
having a context of performance permits me to examine them
from many sides and at many levels. It allows me to see
how they fit, how they work, and how they are able to
overcome what would seem to be conflicts between their
choices of channels and their functions.
6. Conclusions
In this paper I have attempted a comprehensive
description of 'cues', an apparently unnamed speech genre
occurring in flamenco performances. I have argued for
their designation as a genre, based on comparison with
other known genres, and I have given the genre a name based
on what appear to be its salient characteristics. I have
further argued for the inclusion of certain gestures as
'words' belonging to the genre because of the nature of the
performance's complete context. I see context as the key,
and indeed the only key, to understanding 'cues'.
This paper supports the wide-scope view of
linguistics, and consequently includes materials from 'grey
areas'. These 'grey areas' include areas that are either
poorly worked in the field or that tend to be neglected
because they fall in the fuzzy areas between fields. My
references, therefore, include authors from several fields
in the social sciences, arts, and humanities. Despite the
diversity of fields represented in my sources, I believe
that 'cues' as objects of study could best be handled
within a linguistic framework, that they are at their core
a language phenomenon. This paper represents an effort to
present them as language phenomena and open the doors for
them to be considered as pertinent data for analyses closer
to the linguistics mainstream.
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