Testing Covert Downward Entailment in Child Chinese
Li Zeng, English, Shanghai International Studies University, China
In this paper we present experimental results showing that Chinese children interpret sentences involving covert downward entailment differently from adults. Disjunction under negation in Chinese is interpreted as a partial negation (1), while the full negation is expressed with the conjunction he (2):
(1) Tuzi bu hui chi hongluobo huozhe qingjiao.
Rabbit not will eat carrot or green pepper
'Rabbit will not eat a carrot OR a green pepper.'
(2) Tuzi bu hui chi hongluobo he qingjiao.
Rabbit not will eat carrot and green pepper
'Rabbit will not eat a carrot AND a green pepper.'
A sentence containing disjunction and a focus operator in (3) can be decomposed into two conjoined propositions in (4):
(3) Only Rabbit will eat a carrot or a green pepper.
(4) Presupposition:
Rabbit will eat a carrot or a green pepper.
Assertion:
Everyone other than Rabbit will not eat a carrot and will not eat a green pepper.
The acquisition of (3) is problematic because it involves complex logical calculation in (4) and the misleading linguistic input in (1) and (2).
4 children aged 3;4 to 4;1 and 6 adults were presented sentences like (3) in a Truth-Value-Judgment task in two conditions:
Condition I (True)
|
|
carrot |
green pepper |
|
Bear |
* |
* |
|
Rabbit |
√ |
* |
|
Cat |
* |
* |
Condition II (False)
|
|
carrot |
green pepper |
|
Bear |
* |
√ |
|
Rabbit |
√ |
* |
|
Cat |
* |
√ |
Results show Children judged the test sentences as true 100% in both conditions. We suggest that they assigned the disjunctive interpretation in the assertion component.