The texts which follow were Compiled by Fred W. Riggs on the basis of responses to a questionnaire distributed by e-mail to members of the Association. The Questionnaire is reproduced below, followed by the responses received by the end of March, 1998. Contributions are alphabetized and listed, with links to each conributor. A "mailto" form accompanies each entry to facilitate sending personal comments to the author. Links to related documents -- including a bibliography and list of contributors -- are given at the end, followed by a sample of records that illustrate the procedure to be followed in constructing similar records for the significant concepts represented by globalization. Finally, and most importantly, a conceptual analysis of the various meanings associated with globalization can be found at Key Concepts

The ISA Research Committee (#35) on Conceptual and Terminological Analysis will sponsor a roundtable on concepts of globalization." at the forthcoming ISA Congress in Montreal. You are invited to participate by e-mail and in person if you have used this term in your writings, and especially in the title of a paper or book.

Increasingly, globalization has penetrated our world and our consciousness. A search of titles in the Social Science Citation Index during the last decade, carried out by Jim Quigley on behalf of Henry Teune, who will chair the panel in Montreal, has produced the following data.

Search terms: globali? -- searched in the title only: Total hits from 1986 through 1997 = 692

1997 hits = 196, 1996 hits = 147, 1995 hits = 106, 1994 hits = 55, 1993 hits = 55, 1992 hits = 44, 1991 hits = 30, 1990 hits = 17, 1989 hits = 23, 1988 hits = 8, 1987 hits = 9, 1986 hits = 2

This may not astonish you, but it at least points to the growing importance of global context as a replacement of the state-oriented basis of most thinking in the past -- we tend to equate "society," "country," "wherever!" with a state, usually the one we live in. As our world system has become increasingly interdependent at all levels, we need to abandon our state-centrism and learn to think globally, to realize that we are part of a world-system which fundamentally affects our lives -- for better or worse -- at many levels. However, we are still uncomfortable doing that and our vocabulary is haunted by contradictions, among which the meanings of "globalization" are highly expressive.

If you have used "globalization" in the title of a paper or book, please send the title, an abstract, and/or any paragraph in which you discuss the word and its meaning, to

They will compile the results and post them on a Web Page so you can see the results, and discuss them at a roundtable in Montreal. Hopefully, this will produce a point of reference that anyone using "globalization" in the future will be able to use. They are collecting quotations and articles illustrating how different authors have used the word and will make them available to those who respond to this inquiry by e-mail and/or on a Web Page -- a background paper for the Montreal panel will summarize our findings. Preliminary findings indicate that for better and for worse, the word conjures up many different images in our minds and often provokes great fears as well as hopes. The details will be sent to respondents -- please let us know if you are interested.

The responses which follow were generated in response to the message posted above. They are arranged in alphabetical order, as linked in the following table. Only substantive material is quoted -- personal information and comments have been deleted. If you click on any name in this table, you will find h/er contribution as a whole, and if you then click on the capitalized name that heads the entry, you will go to an excerpted text located in context among related concepts. Use these buttons to see a classified summary of these concepts or an alphabetical index of the technical terms proposed for them. Links on these pages will take you directly to the relevant material in the concepts file. Using the "BACK" button will take you back to wherever you just were. Happy Hunting! And please respond. :-)

To view concepts identified on the basis of these texts go to GLOBALIZATION CONCEPTS

Enclosed is my abstract accepted for the session 12, Globalization and educational processes, RC 04 Sociology of Education in Montreal.

LIFE-HISTORIES OF LEARNING, THE 'LEARNING SOCIETY' AND GLOBALIZATION

Life-as-lived, life-as-experienced and life-as-told has long interested authors and researchers (Bruner 1986). The biographical method in its various forms has been a part of sociology's history since the Chicago School in the 1920s (Thomas & Znaniecki 1918-20). In the 1980s and 1990s, sociologists and scholars in other disciplines have expressed a renewed interest in the biographical method. As the life experiences of a person are the very foundations of educative processes, it is natural that the biographical method is used also in educational research, especially in adult education. Based on numerous life course studies conducted in different countries, Peter Alheit (1994) argues that "Living a life" has become more problematic and unpredictable. It is "a laboratory for developing skills whose usefulness is uncertain". Still, in the late-modern culture individuals have their everyday competence to organize their biographies, and in the course of our lives we produce meanings related to ourselves and our social framework. From a biographical or life history point of view, we have more opportunities than we can ever put into practice. "Biographicity" - as Alheit (1992) calls biographical knowledge and the qualifications based on this knowledge - contains a huge capacity for learning. We may have a feeling that we can act rather independently over our biographies, and simultaneously we have to recognize the structural limitations imposed by our social and ethnic origins, our gender and the era we are living (Stanley 1993). Thus, Alheit (1994, 288) makes a remark which could have been a methodological principle in our study of the meaning of education and learning in the lives of Finnish people: "The learning processes between structure and subjectivity are manifold, but they can only be understood if we do justice to both poles: the structural framework of conditions governing our lives and the spontaneous dispositions that we adopt towards ourselves."

THE MEANING OF EDUCATION AND LEARNING

The research project "In Search of the Meaning of Education" studies the meaning of education and learning in the lives of Finns (Antikainen 1991; Antikainen et al 1995 and 1996; Antikainen & Huotelin 1996). In addition to formal education, we are interested in adult education and other less formal ways of acquiring knowledge and skills. In fact, we are dealing with life-long learning in the social context of swiftly changing Finnish society. According to our theoretical framework, the meaning of education can be analyzed on three levels, as reflected in the following three questions: 1. How do people use education in constructing their life-courses? 2. What do educational and learning experiences mean in the production and formation of individual and group identity? 3. What sort of significant experiences do Finns have in the different stages of their lives? Do those experiences originate in school, work, adult study or leisure-time pursuits? What is the substance, form and social context of significant learning experiences? In this kind of study education is considered to be a productive factor - not just a reproductive one - in the individual's life. We do not question the institutionalizing influence of education on life-course and inequality, but we do make a hypothesis that the situation on the biographical level is more complex, and that education has several, also emancipatory meanings (Antikainen 1991). Does it already exist a cultural pattern of lifelong learning in Finnish society? Then I will continue to a educational policy discussion. Are we moving towards a new learning society? What kind of society is it?

INTERVIEWS

We collected our data by means of biographical and thematic interviews. In the initial interviews the interviewees related their life-stories orally. As needed, each interviewee was also asked more specific questions about education, self-definition, and areas of knowledge important in his or her life. An interview typically lasted three to four hours. We then picked out a list of significant learning experiences from each life-story and presented it to the interviewee for approval or revision. At the beginning of the second interview we considered each significant learning experience and its social context in greater detail. Assuming that education can also destroy identity, we asked, finally, for the interviewee's most negative education-oriented experience. The second interview usually lasted about as long as the first. In accordance with our purpose, we interviewed many kinds of people: women and men, representatives of different social classes and ethnic groups, and persons of various ages. Most of the 44 interviewees (approximately 3000 pages) were Finnish-speakers (n=28), but the group also included Swedish-speakers, Samis (Lapps), Romanies (Gypsies) and individual members of immigrant and refugee groups. The interviews with members of ethnic minorities were, on average, less complete than those conducted with Finnish-speakers. The interviewees were classified into four age groups or cohorts whose representation we wished to guarantee. In accordance with our grounded-theory approach, we ended the collection of the data when we reached the saturation criterion.

SIGNIFICANT OTHERS OF LEARNING AND LEARNING COMMUNITY

The construction of the term "significant learning experience" can be attributed to our first interviewee, the 66-year old Karelian housekeeper and family mother, Anna. Her interview indicated that a life-story may include distinct turning points of educational and learning biographies. These turning points we began to call "significant learning experiences". We defined these experiences in relation to life-course and identity as follows: significant learning experiences are those which appeared to guide the interviewee's life-course, or to have changed or strengthened his or her identity (Antikainen 1991). We soon found out that the life-story of each interviewee included significant learning experiences such as defined above. The numbers of these varied from one to ten. In each significant learning experience personal and social relations that support learning are easily detectable. They are not included in the definition of a significant learning experience, however, and thus this tendency is interesting. It means that learning can be studied as personal relations even in technological society. Applying the language of symbolic interactionism we called personal and social relations as significant others of learning. Getting familiar with learning theories and the attempt to link learning in its social context led us to notice that learning has both its local environment and distant environment (Antikainen et al. 1996, 90-101; cf. Lave & Wenger 1991). Thus it also has local significant others and distant significant others. The former are always concrete human beings, the latter are often symbolic or representational images. On examining the relations between the learner and local significant others, we noticed that the character of this relationship had more to do with community (Gemeinschaft) than with association (Gesellschaft). In this respect, differences between generations do exist, for example, but they are much less significant than I expected. In addition to the local environment, the distant environment, which to a great extent constitutes the local one, is detectable for instance in the learning experiences of our most premodern case of Anna and the most late-modern case of Taru. Anna's distant significant others - or the reference group or the horizon of social world - can be found in the discourses of nation-building, patriotism and agrarian class society. Taru's distant significant others can be found in the discourses of international networks, mass media and post-industrial society with multiple identities. For Taru, society can be the post-traditional society described by Giddens (1994, 106), the society that is global not in the sense of world community, but rather as an undefined space in which it is possible to transfer from one place to another both concretely - by traveling - and symbolically - via communication systems and images. In a post-traditional society social ties are not ascribed but achieved or made. It is decentralized with regard to authorities and control, but centralized regarding opportunities and problems. The life-stories and life-histories of both women bear the characteristics of life projects. In Anna's case, the project is adjusted to a great extent; in Taru's case the project is discovered - so far (Csikszentmihalyi 1990). The life experiences of both also include the characteristics of the enchantment of doing, that is, the flow-experience. Both women have been active and have been rewarded with pleasure more than with material rewards. Finally, Anna's and Taru's learning experiences, according to my view of learning in general, include "self" (individual identity), "us" (community in a traditional or post-traditional form) and "others" (society).

TOWARDS THE LEARNING SOCIETY?

In contemporary dialogue learning society is to a great extent seen as a synonym for lifelong learning. I am inclined to see lifelong learning not as a new phenomenon. Rather, the representatives of each generation we studied have acquired learning experiences throughout their lives. What was new was the context and situation in which lifelong learning is currently required. We have to note, however, that this context is only now being constructed. I am referring to a society in which individualization and globalization are simultaneously going on. In this kind of a society preparedness for lifelong learning may well become a constraining challenge. . According to our study, the significance of family as a mediating institution and learning community is central. Children's and teenagers' hobbies alone or with peers have established institutionalized and less known subjective and subjectivizing sides. This subjectivization cannot be studied with traditional concepts of socialization and development. School as a place for general education has lost some of its meaning. This situation calls for discussion of the relations between the institutionalization and the seemingly mindless routine of school and that of the in-school and out-of-school life of a young person. Vocational and university education are also at risk of losing their meaning if unemployment remains high in the long term. The line between education and work has already become blurred and may in future become increasingly more obscure. Thus, the socio-political decisions concerning working life are at the same time decisions concerning education. Our interviews indicated that a group of young people have learned to use institutional education in the manner of Nordic popular (or liberal) adult education. They choose studies that are connected with the social movement and ideology or corresponding lifestyle they represent. These young people may well turn out to be the most active citizens of our future society. It is likely that in the future education, work and leisure time are linked with each other even more fundamentally. Learning has both its local environment and distant environment. The distant environment has become increasingly more global but also more chaotic. The future of a learning society depends more and more on the construction of a world community between and within societies. The remarks and interpretations made in our study are not in contradiction to Giddens' (1994) conceptions on the dynamics of late modernity regarding the globalization of economy and communication, the detraditionalization of social life, and the need for reflexivity in all aspects and stages of life. This tendency would mean that learning is becoming an essential and penetrating feature in late modern society. Resources to learn and to do biographical work are not equally distributed however. The learning society is a risk society (Beck 1994; Hake 1997; Antikainen 1997b). First, the link between social allocation and opportunities in education and labour markets has not disappeared in late modern society. In fact, in the context of high unemployment and growing individualism, social disparities and inequalities are increasing, as the "one-third, two- third society" debate demonstrates. Social exclusion threatens aged unemployed workers, ethnic minorities, and also women and young adults in the form of part-time or temporary jobs, as well as those in lower social classes. Allocation and selection is clear on the organization level as well. For instance, Nasta (1993; Antikainen et al 1996, 98) gives a very nice description of shifts in organizational structures toward a learning organization. In the middle of his egalitarian rhetoric, he outlines the same organizational structures in terms of the classification of workers into three groups: ... "the core, which is composed of well-qualified people, professionals, technicians or managers; the contractual fringe, which is made up individuals and organizations who deliver services on a sub-contracted basis for the core; and third ... the flexible labour force, those seeking part-time or temporary work". Thus the learning society is a class society celebrating the professional-managerial class (Antikainen et al 1996, 99). Studies done in the former East Germany (Meier 1997; Meier et al 1997) confirm that unemployed people also use education sooner for construction of their biographies and identities than for the formal political-economic task. If we are facing the end of work and the emergence of the third sector, or the civil society, the way Rifkin (1995) has presented, the meaning of education and learning will change dramatically. For Alheit (1997), the learning society is in the future, beyond the labour society. It is amazing how much it resembles the traditional Nordic popular adult education model! But how will people learn to survive in this coming learning society?

Iedited a special issue of "Futures Research Quarterly" 12, No. 1 (Spring 1996) that dealt in part with issues relating to globalization, although perhaps not as directly as you would wish. From my intro, "The future world as a moral community: guest editor's introduction," pp. 5-7, I say (p. 5) "The topics that we address in this special issue are of increasing concern to all people as the globalization of human societies continues. Who or what will provide the norms and values for world order? What are the appropriate values that will allow all the Earth's peoples to live together in peace and to flourish? How will problems of the global commons that affect us all, such as. . . etc."

From my article, "World order, human values and the future," pp. 9-24, I say (p. 11) "Whether we like it or not or whether people know it or not, in many ways the increase in the scale of modern society has made most of us humans into members of a single, interdependent global collectivity. Moreover, current technological developments are rapidly increasing both the scope and frequency of social contact and making global networks of social interaction more intensely interknit every day. The web of life is growing more dense and dynamic, is increasingly global, is linking all humans ever more tightly together, and is pulling toward a common human fate."

Also on p. 11: "What are the chances of a global government being created to match the scale of global interaction and the growing global consciousness of humans? When, if ever, might such a legitimate system of global political and social control come into being?" And I try to answer the questions.

On the question of globalization I stand somewhere between Fred Riggs and Gunder Frank. Frank argues for radical continuity, and Riggs holds that things are qualitatively different now than in the past (as of when?). My approach to issues of this sort is to try framing a general definition that works for all relevant times and places, then periodizing and recognizing dynamics at work that are susceptible to analysis...

TEN THESES CONCERNING GLOBALIZATION

1. Like the terms "nation," "society," "religion," "world system," and many others as well, "globalization" is a useful construct for guiding analysis of the world, but it is essential to remember always that it is a construct, not a phenomenon.

2. The construct of globalization refers not to an event or condition so much as a process. It has a past and a present and undoubtedly a future as well.

3. Globalization comes about because of human agency. Some animal and plant species have traveled throughout much of the world without human aid, but they have not launched the processes of action, reaction, and interaction that are the foundations of globalization.

4. There are three principal factors of globalization: intention, transportation, and communication. These factors drive processes of action, reaction, and interaction.

5. More specifically, the factors of globalization underpin processes of migration, imperialism, and trade, which are the most important autonomous engines of human interaction.

6. Following from migration, imperialism, and trade are processes of biological, cultural, technological, and other kinds of exchange, all of which are prime characteristics of globalization.

7. With increasing human population and increasing technological capacity, increasing interaction is not optional but inevitable.

8. Increasing population and increasing technological capacity have driven processes of cross-cultural interaction from prehistory and remote antiquity to the present.

9. In many ways, differences between historical and contemporary globalization are differences more of degree than of kind.

10. Some notable turning points in the history of globalization include the following, although this is by no means an exclusive list: the migration of *Homo erectus* from Africa some 500,000 to 1,000,000 years ago; the domestication of horses and the invention of stout watercraft about 4000 B.C.E.; the invention of the wheel about 3500 B.C.E.; the domestication of camels after 3000 B.C.E.; the establishment of well traveled sea lanes in the Indian Ocean after 500 B.C.E.; the opening of the silk roads about 200 B.C.E.; the spread of epidemic diseases throughout the eastern hemisphere after 200 C.E.; the establishment of permanent contacts between the eastern hemisphere, the western hemisphere, and Oceania after 1492; the founding of global trading companies after 1600; the development of modern transportation and communication technologies after industrialization; and the emergence of transnational corporations and an integrated global economy in the twentieth century.

With this prize (DM 5,000) GIS wants to promote the internationalization of sociology by stimulating communication and cooperation among young sociologists across national, geographical and cultural boundaries. Thereby, the GIS, the local organizing committee of the 1994 World Congress of Sociology in Bielefeld wants to continue the theme of the Congress Contested Boundaries and Shifting Solidarities, inviting scholars from around the world to engage in this endeavor.

The theme of the first competition is "Social Consequences of the Globalization of the Economy". The decreasing importance of distance is a major aspect of globalization. Thus, local and national economies are affected by a growing interdependence with economic events in other parts of the world. The growing simultaneity of world events creates new forms of social dynamics on a global scale, including financial markets, the spreading of innovations, public opinion, international politics, and life styles. These again affect national and local structures and create new opportunities though channels often unknown and poorly analyzed.

The jury will accept papers which deal either - with the sociological conceptualization and analysis of social conditions and processes involved in forms of world-wide interaction, - with the study of the impact of world-wide economic processes upon national or local settings, the way they affect social change and pose challenges to policy making

The winner of the Bielefeld Prize for the Internationalization of Sociology will be awarded 5,000 DM. The winning article will be published in Zeitschrift fur Soziologie.

Members of the Jury are: Prof.Dr. Franz-Xaver KAUFMANN (Chair, Bielefeld), Prof. Martin ALBROW (London), Prof.Dr. Johannes BERGER (Mannheim), Prof.Dr. Hans-Dieter EVERS (Bielefeld), Prof.Dr. Wolfgang STREEK (Berlin). Two copies of the paper and a short CV should be sent to: Prof. Dr. Peter Weingart, Chair of GIS University of Bielefeld Postbox 100131 D- 33501 Bielefeld. Tel: 49-521-1064655, Fax: 49-521-1066033

Globalization is a newspeak word which implies that the dominative actions (jobsassination, monocultural impositions etc.) of the CORPOCRACY are merely the workings out of the ineluctable forces of historical progress. (Popper's Poverty of Historicism arguments apply .)

But how to educate the public about the wiles of crimepetitive crapitalism when the corpocracy dominates all the media, is problematic indeed.!

In response to your request, I am attaching some introductory paragraphs on 'globalization' in a talk I gave recently which is moving towards a paper for publication. References are excluded at this stage but can be provided for the assertions made.

FROM CULTURE TO IDENTITIES Globalization process may be described as circulation of knowledge, money and man around the globe. We have been made to read the knowledge as information, the money as plastic cards and stock shares, and the man as cosmopolit flows by this process. Some intellectuals who tend to conceptualize and foresee the future of globalization process has presented the global village project. Nevertheless there is a resistance to it although the resisters have no known, conceptualized sociological base like a class, a strata, or a power center which will support their objection. Neither they have a project for the future. What is there only resisters who are resisting to become passive peasants of that village. No matter how it is naive, resisting requires courage, and all resistances are graceful as long as we define the courage as keeping grace against difficulties. While people have struggled against to become passive peasants of that global village they put forward their identities. Because they have seen that becoming a peasant of that village would be harmful for their human potential. There would be no place to actualize themselves and there would be no way out to emancipate themselves from alienation. People have conceived that resisting against this process could be realized through the remembrance of their selves only.

During the late 1980s a new term entered popular discourse: globalization. Instead of clarifying issues of world development the buzzword rather seemed to add confusion and misunderstandings. There are at least five different dimensions of globalization that need to be distinguished:

• economic globalization
• political globalization
• common ecological constraints
• cultural values and institutions, and
• globalization of communication.

While the earlier popular discourse on globalization seemed to suggest-at least implicitly-that lobalization and world economic growth occur in tandem, a closer look reveals that the various aspects of lobalization became accentuated in the phase of long term sluggish economic growth (1973-1992) as compared with the earlier long term economic upswing (1950-1973). And it became evident that despite several countries with remarkable growth in the 1980s and 1990s, overall polarization in the world did not shrink but increased in the latest era of globalization. Adjectives such as "uneven" and "limits" have increasingly appeared in the titles of academic works on globalization. This not only reflects a critical stance, but also the obvious need for theoretical clarity and empirical research.

Papers will examine the diverse phenomena of "globalization" and reflect on the sustainability of developments and the design of new (or strengthening of existing) institutions in order to shape a less polarized and more peaceful social world. How are the different aspects of globalization related to one another? What are the long-term trajectories of international integration? And what institutional structures may emerge in the future to cope with the recent high level of economic integration?

Two recent chapters of mine in edited books have discussed globalization: "A Perspective on Globalization" in James H. Mittelman, ed. Globalization: Critical Reflections (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1996)

"Economic globalization and the limits to liberal democracy" in Anthony McGrew, ed., The Transformation of Democracy? (Milton Keynes: Polity Press in association with the Open University, 1997)

Robert W. Cox Professor Emeritus of Political Science, York University, Toronto e-mail: rwcox@yorku.ca

...the context of globalization has been inescapable in my views, perceptions and analyses of social development in the Caribbean and of the still Non-Independent Caribbean States (the so-called NICS) in particular, in this sub-region on which my preoccupation with progress, human and social development is concentrated. In this context three issues hold my special attention:

1. the fact that 'global society' now, as was 'the State' before, is referred to as if it has neither a gender position nor a class position. 2. the 'new' option for ex-colonies to be ruled by their previous Colonial State in terms of production, trade and services. 3. the disguised strategies applied under the guise of a global bloc (EU, MERCOSUR, etc.) to control administrative, political, economic and human/social development in the NICS (Non Independent Caribbean States) and the SIDS (Small Island Development States).

A couple paragraphs from my introduction to the book, co-edited by Jan Currie and Janice Newson: Globalization and Universities: Critical perspectives:

Is the Globalization Agenda Irresistible? Many observers immediately respond to any questioning of these globalization practices with a surrendering and acquiescing attitude: we are all being swept along by these globalization trends (the Internet, email, faxes, CNN, a global economy), how is it possible to stop what appears to be an inexorable movement drawing us into this particular type of a global world? We want to assert in this book that there is a significant difference between the globalization trends that draw us into a global economy and the globalization practices that hold that the market is the only factor to consider in the way our lives and our institutions are structured. This book is interested in examining the human costs of globalization practices (Rees, 1994) and it asserts that there are other models, even given a global economy, that can and ought to be considered in shaping our institutions (Cox, 1995). There is no doubt that global communication systems have weakened national boundaries and ideas circulate more quickly around the globe; but one of the questions we pose is that of, which ideas are circulating and can these ideas be shaped by interests other than those which are profit-motivated, commercial interests.

We believe that the globalized political economy has both an ideological component and a material base. It is not only its practices that we examine here but also the way it is presented as an all-encompassing idea that is irresistible. We believe it may be resistible and does not have all the answers. It has become, in Foucault's terms, a 'regime of truth' that tends to be 'totalizing' (Foucault, 1991). When most government agencies and politicians are speaking with one voice which suggests that globalization practices are the only answer for all nations, it is difficult for other voices to be heard. When the supranational agencies, such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), and governments, especially Anglo-American governments, have all been stressing that economies need to be deregulated, social services privatized and governments become smaller in both power and size, it is harder for individuals to think that the Budget shouldn't be balanced, that workers shouldn't be made redundant, that we shouldn't pay for the services the state provides and that taxes shouldn't be raised with such strong international voices speaking in unison. These ideas have become almost like common sense and are not easily challenged. Why has there been this acquiescence to the notion of the supremacy of the market? The market is portrayed as neutral, as objective, as out there, free and ungovernable. But is that the true situation?

R e O R I E N T: GLOBAL ECONOMY IN THE ASIAN AGE, University of California Press, forthcoming April 1998,

AUTHOR'S ABSTRACT This book outlines and analyzes the global economy and its sectoral and regional division of labor and cyclical dynamic from 1400 to 1800. The evidence and argument are that within this global economy Asians and particularly Chinese were preponderant, no more "traditional" than Europeans, and in fact largely far less so. The historical documentation poses an 'emperor has no clothes' challenge to all received Eurocentric historiography and social theory from Montesquieu, Marx and Weber, or Toynbee and Polanyi, to Rostow, Braudel and Wallerstein. The books's global economic analysis offers a more holistic theoretical alternative. 'The Rise of the West' was not due to any 'European Miracle exceptionalism' that allegedly permitted it to pull itself up by its own bootstraps as Weberians have contended. Nor did Europe build a 'European world-economy around itself" a la Braudel and thereby as per Marx and Wallerstein [as well as my own WORLD ACCUMULATION 1492-1789] initiating a European centered 'Modern Capitalist World-System' primarily by exploiting the wealth of its American and African colonies. Instead, Europe used its American silver to buy itself marginal entry into the long since existing world market in Asia, which was much larger, more productive and competitive, continued to expand much faster until 1800, and was able to support a rate of population growth in Asia that was than double that of Europe until 1750. Then changing global economic/ demographic/ ecological relations and relative factor prices in the competitive world economy resulted in the temporary 'Decline of the East' and the opportunity for the also temporary 'The Rise of the West'. Europe took advantage of this world economic opportunity through import substitution, export promotion and technological change to become Newly Industrializing Economies after 1800, as again happening today in East Asia. That region is now regaining its 'traditional' dominance in the global economy, with the Chinese 'Middle Kingdom' again at its 'center.'

SOME EXCERPTS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCES TO 'GLOBALIZATION'

The currently fashionable "globalization" thesis has it that the 1990s mark a new departure in this world-wide process. Grudgingly, some observers see the same since 1945 or even during the entire twentieth century, or at the very most since the nineteenth. Yet, ReORIENT: GLOBAL ECONOMY IN THE ASIAN AGE demonstrates that globalism [even more than globalization] was a fact of life already since at least 1500 for the whole world, excepting only for a while a very few sparsely settled islands in the Pacific. Moreover, at least the AfroEurasian "eucumene" or "central world system" functioned as a single unit already long before that, as argued by among others McNeill (1963), Hodgson (1993), Wilkinson (1987, 1993), Frank and Gills (1993) and Chase-Dunn and Hall (1997). The recent 'globalization" thesis also supposes a major historical dis-continuity between medieval and modern times. There may be disputes about whether this dis-continuity dates from 1100, 1300, 1500, or 1800 AD; but there is widespread agreement that the world historical process changed radically and qualitatively thanks to the "Rise of the West" - and capitalism. The argument and evidence in this book is that historical continuity has been far more important than any and all dis- continuities. The perception of a major new departure, which allegedly spells a dis-continuous break in world history, is substantially [mis] informed by a Eurocentric vantage point. Once we abandon this Eurocentrism and adopt a more globally holistic world or even pan EurAsian perspective, dis-continuity is replaced by far more continuity. Or the other way around? Once we look upon the whole world more holistically, historical continuity looms much larger, especially in Asia. Indeed as suggested in the preceding chapters, the very "Rise of the West" itself then appears derived from this global historical continuity. Unfortunately , we are badly equipped to confront our one world reality when we are mis-guided into thinking that our world is only just now undergoing a belated process of "globalization." Our very language and its categories reflect and in turn mis- guide our thinking Sapir/Whorfian [or even post-modern] fashion to suppose that the parts came first and then only combined to make a whole: Our 'society,' my 'country,' the German word 'Nationaloekonomie,' 'inter-national' relations with or without 'inter-national' trade. They all sound as though we long lived and some of us would still like to live in some social, political, economic 'units,' which have had some allegedly pristine existence ever since [their] Creation. Only then or even now are they being inter-related. That offers just about the most literally non-sensical "perspective of the world" and rendition of its reality imaginable. Alas, short of inventing an entirely new vocabulary that would be unfamiliar to the reader, I am obliged to make do with received terminology and try to stretch it to encompass a more global reality. However, we need more than global terminology. We also need global analysis and theory. A similar argument is made by Frank Perlin The history of the world should not be characterized as a movement from locally constituted closures toward increasing world integration and homogenization.... This last point implies that the conventional notion of 'diverse cultures' being 'penetrated' by emergent universalist forces is misfounded.... The difference is continuously forming at the same time and in formative connection with more obviously integrational developments .... The continuum of medieval and early-modern times has no single center, not even a handful of particular centres conceived as the sources affecting integration. Instead, its character is prolific multicentredness [pp. 104, 106]. - Frank Perlin 1994 Yet even proposing global analysis, let alone theory, of and for the world is a hazardous task. It meets with strong resistance and can evoke ferocious counter-attacks, especially from those who support or oppose the allegedly uniquely peculiar or peculiarly unique sacred cow of "capitalism".

Shame and Guilt in Collective Life: A Reflection on the Current Debates in Australian Public Culture About Aboriginal and Euro-Australian Relations and History -- Shifts of Values and World-View in a Globalizing Society

Abstract: This paper looks at the highly charged debates which erupted in Australian public culture during 1997 about whether Euro-Australians should feel shame or guilt about the history of their relations with Aboriginal people. The racist and genocidal treatment of Aborigines by Euro-Australians has moved from being an effaced issue to occupy centre stage in this episode of public life. But the terms of the debate around shame and guilt indicate a clash of two differently constituted world-views. The episode is pregnant with the potential to be a shadow-line or a fault-line in collective life. It is as through the theoretical choice between Heidegger's seeing worldviews as determining what can be thought and done within their horizons, and Habermas' seeing worldviews as accessible to evaluation through argumentation, is being confronted in practice. I will draw on some of the ideas of social- psychologists and sociologists (Freud, Elias, Giddens) who have tried to grapple with the role of guilt and shame in social change. I place the psycho-social transition which has allowed some Australians to acknowledge that to which they were previously blind, namely, the racist and genocidal treatment of Aborigines, to the comprehensive pattern of changes we cram under the heading of globalization.
Globalization is contributing to the emergence of a differently constituted self and social morality: a self and a social morality which no longer needs to situate itself within a progress narrative. Yet, because globalization is an ambivalent and uneven process, some sections of the society are feeling cheated and displaced by change and are increasingly attracted to right-wing and fundamentalist ideas and movements which want to return to old certainties. So, the episode is also making new social divisions apparent: namely, that between those favoured and those threatened by globalization. Will those who are now able to feel shame for the racism of white Australians be blind to the plight of those materially and spiritually threatened by globalization? I conclude with a discussion of the necessity for those committed to the preservation and extension of democratic politics supported by a vigorous public sphere to be reflexive not only at the level of argumentation but also to be reflexive about the social underpinning of the preparedness to remain engaged in argumentation in the public sphere.

Author: Gerry Gill, Head of Department, Sociology and Cultural Studies, La Trobe University, Bendigo, Australia.

Jeffrey Hart has identified five concepts represented by globalization which he lists as follows:

~~~ (1) the existence of a global infrastructure;
~~~ (2) global harmonization or convergence of some important characteristic feature;
~~~ (3) borderlessness;
~~~ (4) global diffusion of some initially localized phenomenon; and
~~~ (5) geographical dispersion of core competences in some highly desirable activities.

A discussion of each concept can be found in his article: Comments on "Changing Sovereignty Games and International Migration" in the Indiana Global Legal Studies Journal, II:2, see the text

I am editing a book on the issue - the working title is the 'global welfare state'. But I am not sure yet if I will hold on to this title. In my view it might be more useful to change it as to: 'redefining the welfare state' or 'challenging the concept of the welfare state'. This will be published this year with the US-based publisher NOVA science. Only a few remarks: 1) First of all the discussion on Glocalization neglects to a large extent the question of welfare/social issues. Of course this is not really astonishing - the discussion on these issues has been fairly neglected even before questions of Glocalization had been on the agenda. And of course these questions (social/welfare) had not been neglected totally. Instead they had been tackled in a very limited way, just taking the national boundaries (or local, regional, and as well European or what ever) as granted. The consequences for others have been disregarded (some exceptions like Myrdal have to be recognized, of course). But even taking notice of 'welfare' in connection with Glocalization is in a way restricted. What really matters is that the 'mode of socialization' changes, the way of living together - it is difficult to express all what I mean in brief. Perhaps the best way to do is to point on the following: Glocalization is mainly approached by looking at single issues like economic changes, ways of political negotiation etc.. And closely connected with this is the limitation on an institutional point of view. Than - perhaps - changes in values are considered. But what really matters is the holistic change in soci(et)al realms. The changes in this regard are not only - and perhaps not mainly - concerned with the changes on the macro level. This is only a frame for processes for strengthening local and regional and not least personal ways of exclusion and inclusion, participation and passiveness etc. pp. (In this sense the change in my working title to the use of the term 'welfare' would not be mainly concerned with institutional matters rather than with 'well being'. 2) Thus the term Glocalization is very vague - as we all know. In my view this is due not least to the fact that the analysis is in the said way restricted. What is necessary is not just to broaden the analysis and consider the 'holistic' impact on the life course of people and peoples. Instead there is a major challenge for sociological theory which is rarely approached. In brief I point on this matter by mentioning some questions: Can sociology grasp the current processes of 'Glocalization' with the continuing use of concepts of - functional - differentiation? How far is 'Glocalization' just a continuation of modernization (another vague term, of course)? In which way is it necessary to redefine the terms of centralization and decentralization - up to now each is mostly used with an exclusive meaning? -

My paper title is: "Globalization and the Rule of Law at the end of the 2oth Century". 1997 European Yearbook of Sociology of Law. Milan: Giuffre, 1997. In this paper, I refer mainly to economic globalization, the global diffusion of American common law, and the impact of economic globalization on the rule of law. I define economic globalization, generally, as an increase in the levels and rates of the transnational expansion of finance capital (foreign direct investments and portfolio investments), economic and corporate concentration, and trade. I define the current wave of economic globalization as the third phase of a historical transnational expansion of industrial and finance capitalism that started around 1850 in Europe and grew until about 1913 under British auspices (first phase), was interrupted by WWI, the October 1917 Russian Revolution and a subsequent 70-year hiatus from about 1919 to 1989 (second phase - with four distinct segments), and resumed its expansion after the collapse of the Soviet empire in 1989/90 roughly at pre-WWI levels, but under largely American auspices and under new geo-political, information-technical, and ideological conditions (third phase). The globalization of American common law generally accompanies the economic penetration, but is vulnerable to the growing deformalization, privatization and deinstitutionalization of the rule of law by economic and political processes.

ABSTRACT

Increasingly, globalization is being used to conceptualize ongoing transformations in agro-food production systems. One focus of this research is to understand linkages between global and local level social changes. This paper examines this issue by analyzing how Japan's agrarian sector is being altered as a consequence of increased activity on the part of transnational corporations. By doing so, this paper addresses the question of whether national agricultural production systems are becoming more similar, despite diverse agrarian histories and contrasting roles in global agro-food trading systems, because of the actions of transnational corporations. The evidence presented demonstrate that in Japan, large private firms are slowly beginning to expand their presence in agricultural commodity production. This "globalization" of Japanese agriculture is associated with a weakening of rural socioeconomic infrastructures. In order to address the global dimension of these problems, it is suggested that local communities in different national settings should explore avenues for communicating more with one another in order to develop appropriate response strategies.

I am used to see society in a global context even the term 'globalization' as such is rather new. We used to speak of colonialism, exploitation, new economic world order, center-periphery a.s.o. I am sending you an abstract of a research which I am just trying to publish. In the report there are about ten pages dealing with the different meanings of Glocalization. If you are interested in them, please let me know, because I think sending you ten pages right at the beginning would be too much. I consider as one of the most useful contributions to the understanding of globalization: UNRISD, States of disarray: the social effects of globalization, Banson, London 1995

Globalization, urban progress, urban problems, rural disadvantages - Evidence from Mozambique by Stefanie K n a u d e r (financed by the Austrian Science Foundation) A b s t r a c t The interrelation between the process of globalization and the process of Third World urbanization on one hand and between globalization and Third World rural stagnation or slow development on the other hand, themes which have in these combinations so far not received much attention in the literature, are analyzed theoretically and empirically in this research. The empirical part is based on a survey - the first of this kind in Mozambique - comprising all in all 800 interviews, of which 678 quantitative ones were used for computer processing from 458 households. In each family it was attempted to interview household head and first wife. In the capital, Maputo, and the second largest city, Beira, the data are representative for the peri-urban areas. The fully urbanized areas on one hand and villages on the other hand serve as control groups. Cities are not dealt with as units but two levels of urbanization, so to speak, two urban worlds, are distinguished. The first level is reached by the conditions in the poor peri-urban areas and the second level by the modernized parts of the cities with European character and relative prosperity, the fully urbanized areas. It is shown how the latter benefit from globalization while the poor city areas partly benefit, partly lose and it is shown how the rural population constitutes almost in all aspects the losers. Both levels of urbanization are depicted as positive processes which are not dealt with in isolation but always in relation to the country side and the still widely believed theory of over-urbanization is refuted once again. The socio-economic conditions of the three areas and their inhabitants, such as income, educational level, participation in the labour force and particularly the housing situation with its infrastructure and social facilities were analyzed in detail. Almost all of these data show a more or less equally huge gap between the two urban worlds as well as between peri-urban and rural areas. It was found that the frequency of personal social interaction declines with urbanization and the level of urbanization, but in the same way the degree of satisfaction and happiness increases significantly particularly from the first to the second level of urbanization. In both of these phenomena the globalizing effect of urbanization becomes apparent with the fully urbanized areas resembling data from the North, while the rural household heads remain the most unhappy with the highest degree of social interaction. The lower gap between the peri-urban and rural areas compared to the inner urban gap as far as the degree of happiness and the subjective judgement of housing and services are concerned is apparently due to the relative deprivation which is felt in the poor city areas, but which is still absent in the country side. The vast majority of the results show only a small or even no difference between women and men including - (as is the case in industrialized countries) - the degree of happiness, which is remarkable when taking into account all the empirical evidence of women's discrimination. Only those female headed households which do not receive remittances are poorer than the male headed households but the relation is only about three to four. As main causes of poverty the process of deglobalization, the structural adjustment programmes and the failure of rural development programmes are discussed and possible solutions suggested.

"Global Restructuring and Communities," Bob Wolensky and Edward Miller (eds.), Social Science and the Community, Proceedings of the Conference on the Small City and Regional Community, Vol. XI, University of Wisconsin-Stevens Point Foundation Press, 1995.

"Globalization as a Discourse," in Alessandro Bonanno, Larry Busch, William Friedland, Lourdes Gouevia and Enzo Mingione (eds.) From Colombus to Conagra: Globalization of Agriculture and Food. University of Kansas Press, 1994.

"La Globalizacion como Discurso," Cuadernos Agrarios. #7, pp. 9-22, Mexico, 1993.

The first paper examines globalization in the context of restructuring of the economy and the state and examines the fragmented nature of global integration at the local level.

The second and third papers argue that as a "process" of expansion of commodity relations on a global scale, globalization is not new but only intensified in recent decades. What is new about globalization is, its entry into our daily language as an expression of "reality." In this sense, I argue that globalization is not only a process but also a discourse, defining, describing, and analyzing that process. I point out the neo-conservative ideology as the most prevalent influence in this discursive debate.

Power to the People Online

Think about how much more could be accomplished in the struggle against global corporate domination if there was easy, open communication among the hundreds of individual, locally-based organizations working for the rights of indigenous people. With such a network, globally coordinated efforts might replace scattered actions in individual nations, and unified strategies might lead to greater success in challenging corporate power and greed.=20

Imagine how the political landscape might change if the Central Sandinista de Trabajadores of Nicaragua were to coordinate their efforts with the Frente Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional of Mexico, and the Movimento Sem Terra of Brazil. Consider how much more effective their efforts would be if the Indigenous Women's Network in North America and the Pacific were to engage in a coordinated action with the Peasant Movement of the Philippines and the Karnataka State Farmers' Association of India.

Thanks to the Internet, this isn't just imagination.

Activists from indigenous peoples' movements around the world plan to meet in Geneva from February 23-25, 1998, to launch a globally-coordinated campaign of resistance against "free" trade and the World Trade Organization (WTO). The Peoples' Global Action (PGA) <http://www.agp.org will be using E-mail and the Web to facilitate global communication and coordination of indigenous peoples' movements around the world. =20

In addition to formally launching PGA as a forum for resistance to the expansion of global corporate power, the Geneva conference will coordinate plans for decentralized actions in conjunction with the Second Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organizations (WTO), which is scheduled to take place May 18-20, 1998, in Geneva. The May meeting will mark the 50th anniversary of the multilateral trade system (GATT and WTO), and provide a forum for further liberalization of trade. PGA hopes to focus attention on how trade liberalization destroys rural societies as well as the environment, weakens the labor movement, and threatens cultural diversity and self-determination.

What makes this effort remarkable is that technology is providing a communications forum for organizations and individuals that are generally ignored -- or stereotyped in negative terms -- by the corporate-controlled mainstream media. By giving these organizations a voice, technology is increasing the likelihood that their concerns will acknowledged, and -- hopefully -- addressed.

PGA's conveners have already started publishing an electronic bulletin. The first issue, written by representatives of the groups that are organizing the February conference, explains PGA's goals. But the plan is to use the E-mail bulletin as a vehicle for information sharing among indigenous peoples' groups throughout the world.

For a copy of PGA's first electronic bulletin, send E-mail to: <playfair@asta.rwth-aachen.de . In the subject line, type: PGA bulletin #0

Conveners of the first PGA conference include: Central Sandinista de Trabajadores (Nicaragua) Frente Zapatista de Liberaci=F3n Nacional (M=E9xico) Foundation for Independent Analysis/Foundation for an Independent Aotearoa (Aotearoa - New Zealand) Indigenous Women's Network (North America & Pacific) Karnataka State Farmers' Association (India) Mama 86 (Ukraine) Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (Nigeria) Movimento Sem Terra (Brasil)=20 Peasant Movement of the Philippines (KMP) Play Fair Europe!=20 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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Final Notice and Call for Papers Glocalization and Its Discontents 23, 24 July 1998,

Harbour Center Campus, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, BC.

An international conference, including presentation and comparison of Australian and Canadian perspectives on Glocalization, hosted by the Department of Political Science, Simon Fraser University in cooperation with the Department of Social Science and Social Work, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology, Australia.

Major themes in the conference, which will be organized around both plenary sessions and workshops, include the clarification and reconceptualization of the concept of Glocalization; the consequences of Glocalization for society (labour, business, NGOs, indigenous peoples, social movements and gender) and the state at all levels - international, national, and sub-national; and the challenges posed to institutions (including governments and the third sector) and social groups as they respond to Glocalization.

globe-98@sfu.ca

http://www.sfu.ca/politics/globe98.html

Stephen McBride e-mail: stephen_mcbride@sfu.ca

Glocalization can be defined as a set of economic, social, technological, political as well as cultural structures and processes arising from the changing character of the production, consumption and trade of goods and assets that comprise the base of the international political economy . There is an increasing structural differentiation of these goods and assets that has spread across traditional political borders and economic sectors, and has resulted in the greater influence of political and economic changes. These changes are transnational and multinational dynamics which have a major impact on outcomes in determining "issue-areas" (for instance, environment, trade and world regulation), and may permit global and local actors to be less dependent upon State decision-making. The principal driving force in the Glocalization process today is the search of both private and publicly-owned firms (and more generally, producers and asset holders) for profits world-wide. Their efforts are made possible or facilitated by advances in information technology and by decreasing transport and communication costs.

Glocalization can also be considered the result of a larger building process of a world market. It is not synonymous with the internationalization and transnationalization of capital, itself a dual transformation which occurred mainly in the XVIIIth and XIXth centuries. The two processes were rooted in increasingly mercantilist modes of regulation of world social relations and, particularly after the First World War, in a center-periphery model of multinational development. Regulation is also affected by Glocalization, in the sense that the lead regulating actors of this new process are not primarily the States anymore.

Four principal features can be counted on to explain the origin of Glocalization: the integration into world markets of national economies; the transition from a "high volume economy" into a "high value economy" (this is due to the growing number of knowledge-intensive products and services) ; the end of bipolarity and traditional prize-fight between capitalism and socialism; and finally the configuration of new trade blocs .

Nevertheless, Glocalization is neither uniform nor homogenous. There is a marked difference between the degree of Glocalization as reflected in trade, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and international finance. Its boundaries are unclear and its constituent elements and multidimensional character have yet to be adequately explored. Some social scientists have considered Glocalization as a second step to complex interdependence which accepts that the notion of transnational interpenetration is not homogenous either (Keohane & Nye). Others contend that Glocalization modifies deeply the structural framework of rational choice in world relations, since the role of the key actor which commonly defined both the international and the domestic relations (i.e., the State) is subject to a critical structural transformation . The State commonly faces crises of both organisational efficiency towards the consumer and institutional legitimacy towards the citizen . Please see figure I for an unembellished illustration of the market and other dispatching sources categorized as interacting with it.

Actors and their edifice actions in Glocalization processes are of diverse character. The literature on this subject often enumerates the following actors and subject matters: transnational corporations, financial enterprises, technological changes, NGOs, environmental and population issues, international organizations. This coterie of actors, science and ideology ("the knowledge structure"), their clash and the deals they strike modify deeply the current paradigm of international relations. Their matching and behavior may be categorized at separate levels: at the level of the State (State-centric world) and at the level of subnational and transnational non-governmental actors (multicentric world). These two levels are autonomous and follow different objectives and strategies .

Within "global trends", the processes involved are thought to connect individuals to large-scale systems as part of complex dialectics of change at both the local and global poles. Of course, there are local and global processes, but also processes that are regional or national in character, i.e., Asian, African, European, Latin American, and so forth. In as much as the local and the global shape the circumstance of our daily lives, the crux of the matter is not one of awarding empirical or theoretical priority to the one above the other. Rather, one is to insist on the local, the global and other relevant (but perpetually shifting) geographical scale levels which are the result, the product of socio-spatial change.

What has the MOST Programme to offer on this matter? Through its third research theme on "coping locally and regionally with global economic, technological and environmental transformations", MOST will try to buttress social science research aggregated or otherwise on each of the topics mentioned in the title. The nature of the research must be clearly distinguished from traditional academic research, the extension of results to those studying and designing policy compels the outputs of the MOST programme. Scaling the global, for instance, is of great relevance in MOST research agenda. Scale and spatial configurations (physical, ecological, in terms of regulatory order or as discursive representations) are seen as a result of the perpetual movement of socio-spatial dynamics. We understand scale to be a "produced" factor. It is at once the arena and the moment, both discursively and materially, where socio-power relations are negotiated and regulated, where conflict takes place. It is the result and the outcome of social struggle for power and control. The leverage available to each social power varies considerably depending on who controls what and on what scale. Scale happens to express human and social relationships and is not socially or politically neutral. The ontological priority given by MOST to a process-based view has the consequence that both the "global" and the "local" are seconded as the starting point for analysis and explanation. The scales seem not to operate hierarchically, but simultaneously. The global and the local become sites for hemming together contrasted methods of analysis. We aim to encourage such analysis in our research so that each method receives its productive due.

In this connection, Erik Swyngedouw recalls that globalization would refer to the contested restructuring of the institutional level . The restructuring goes from the national scale upwards to supra-national and/or global scales and also downwards to the scale of the individual body, the local, the urban or regional configurations. Globalization would also refer to the international strategies for localizing principal industrial, service and financial international capital. In particular, concepts such as the "local" and the "global" are often merely speculative, discursive vehicles which are used to order political, social and economic processes according to particular spatial criteria

In this paper (MOST discussion paper number 15, 1996) we analyze different dimensions of globalization: economic, financial, social and cultural, political and environmental.

In my current project "Globalization and Its Contendents: World-Systems Analysis and "Voluntaristic" World-System Theory as the Theories of Globalization as a Substantive and Conceptual Phenomenon" I make an argument for the two-fold distinction of the concept of globalization - on the one hand, globalization as a substantive and, on the other, globalization as a conceptual phenomenon. Broadly, globalization as the substantive phenomenon refers to a set of social, political, economic, and cultural processes giving which have given rise to ever increasing interconnectedness and interdependence of the world, to its transformation from the world-in-itself to the world-for-itself; as the conceptual phenomenon globalization has to do with various forms of interpreting, or theorizing (understood, of course, in the broadest possible sense), the process of constitution of the world as a single, global place, or a global field. In my project, I use Wallerstein's world-systems analysis as an example of the theory of globalization where the latter is considered as the substantive phenomenon and Robertson's 'voluntaristic' world-system theory as exemplars of the theory of globalization where the latter is used as the conceptual phenomenon. An outline of my project is as follows:

Part One - Setting The Ground: Globalization as a Substantive and Conceptual Phenomenon

Provides an overview of the complexity related to the process of defining the concept of globalization and suggests a twofold distinction of globalization - as substantive and conceptual phenomenon - and strategies for conceptualizing the two.

Part Two - Theorizing the Shift: Organized Capitalism and Beyond

Argues that changes at the current stage in history have, for the most part, been theorized in terms of capitalism's 'second structural shift'. The section also provides an overview of the three variants of the post-industrial society thesis - the theories of the information, post-Fordist, and post-modern society - in terms of which 'the second structural shift of capitalism' has predominantly been theorized. Finally, the section points to the 'inadequacy' of the theories as being genuine strategies of dealing with globalization as the conceptual phenomenon.

Part Three - Immanuel Wallerstein: World-Systems Analysis as the Theory of Globalization as a Substantive Phenomenon

Argues that Wallerstein's World-Systems Analysis is an adequate strategy for dealing with globalization as the substantive phenomenon and offers the specifics of this particular approach.

Part Four - Roland Robertson: "Voluntaristic" World-System Theory as the Theory of Globalization as a Conceptual Phenomenon

In the manner of Part Three, this section suggests that Robertson's 'Voluntaristic' World-System Theory is an adequate theoretical strategy for dealing with globalization in its conceptual sense.

Part Five - On Immanuel Wallerstein and Roland Robertson, Comparatively and Metatheoretically: A Comparative Metatheoretical Analysis of World-Systems Analysis and 'Voluntaristic' World-System Theory

Offers a metatheoretical analysis of Wallerstein' and Robertson's approaches in terms of their ontologies, epistemologies, explanations, and concepts of action. In the process, the chapters argues for an 'alternative metatheoretical grounding' of Wallerstein's World-Systems Analysis and suggests metatheoretical compatibility of World-Systems Analysis and 'Voluntaristic' World-System Theory.

Part Six - Globalization as a Substantive and Conceptual Phenomenon Revisited: Concluding Remarks

The section provides the summary of four main points made in the presentation and offers an overview-discussion on the three proposition regarding globalization as a process - namely, that (1) the process as such is present since the very beginning of human history and that its current phase is but acceleration of the overall process, (2) the process as such corresponds to the era of capitalist development and modernization, (3) the process as such is a recent phenomenon associated with post-industrialism and disorganized capitalism. It is suggested that all three propositions are somewhat limited and problematic and an alternative, 'comparatively advantageous', 'defining' of globalization is offered.

The section of my project where I introduce the two-fold distinction:

Both as a concept to be addressed and a problematic to be investigated globalization is indeed difficult to get at. Partly, this is because the term as such has been 'appropriated' and included in our vocabulary fairly recently; partly, it is because of the fact that in our thinking about globalization we (for the most part unconsciously, or "unreflexively" tend to conflate two of its meanings - namely, what I would term as, the substantive and the conceptual. The two are obviously interrelated; however, each is characterized by distinctive "properties" that make for mutual differentiation and the need for categorical separation. I believe that differentiating between the two meanings of the concept is a useful point of departure in an attempt to - in one way or the other - deal with the phenomenon of globalization. It is useful because it makes for the realization that any form of 'globe talk' commences with an adherence to either one or the other meaning of globalization - the meaning that, in some very fundamental respects, impacts our frame of reference, our mode of thinking, our level of discourse, and, in the final analysis, our way of understanding the problematic in question. Thus, while I do not think that positing the substantive and conceptual meanings of globalization resolves all the difficulties related to the concept as such and the processes thereof, I do believe that making, and being aware of, the distinction rids us of some of the confusion regarding our ways of conceiving of and dealing with globalization as a form of awareness, a point of reference, and a mode of analysis.

Thus, the main difference between globalization in its substantive and its conceptual meaning lies in the ' scope of perception': whereas, as we have seen, globalization in its substantive meaning refers to concrete, historically constituted processes and practices that gave (and still give) shape the contemporary global circumstance, globalization in its conceptual meaning has to do with accounting for 'organizational features' of the world-as-a-whole - that is, with (as Giddens would have it) structuration of the world along certain (and often contested) historically configured trajectories. Consequentially, it could be argued that globalization in the substantive sense is historically specific and, for the most part, focused on contemporary global processes whereas globalization in the conceptual sense refers to an all-encompassing, overarching attempt to account for the transformation of, so to speak, the world-in-itself to the world-for-itself. The further implications of this argument are that, firstly, the processes considered under globalization as the substantive phenomenon are subsumed within the purview of globalization as the conceptual phenomenon and, secondly, that, in fact, defining globalization in the substantial terms is possible only to the extent that there exists, in one form or the other, the notion of globalization in the conceptual sense.

I am responding to your inquiry concerning authors using the term "globalization". A few months ago I wrote an article titled "Globalization" for the forthcoming revised edition of the ENCYCLOPEDIA OF PEACE. The main point of the article was the demonstration that globalization is a process along four dimensions: economic globalization, formation of world opinion, democratization, and political globalization. This was rounded off with the assertion that changes along one of these dimensions (such as economic globalization) elicited changes among the other dimensions.

I will present a paper in Montreal (RC40) with the title "The Dynamics of the Global Capital and its Consequences on Agriculture and in Rural Spaces". Since the paper is not yet ready I will send you some paragraphs of a previous text where I was searching for an operational concept of globalization that will think to used again in Montreal.

Please find the attached file RC35.doc in an attached file Microsoft Word 6.0 for Windows 95.

[The focus of my research is on] transformations of daily life as a result of processes of migration. It specialises on young people in two neighbourhoods in Hamburg, comparing the results with a study done with young people in London where the same methodology is used. We want to find out how young people live the relations of ethnicity class and gender, appropriate places, chose their friends and foes. So, this is not so much about the self-perception of migrants, but about the role migration plays in the everyday lives of all groups of (in this case young) people no matter if they or their parents have migrated themselves or not. But of course, the processes of globalization, which I would rather call neoliberalism, influence their lives. Not only through the obvious world-wide flow of commodities but also because of the impact those processes of deregulation and flexibility of the work-force have on the labour market, etc.

For me, as I said, globalization is mainly this process of deregulation of labour markets, de-nationalisation of capital, opening of borders for goods and capital and on the other side closing it for people - for poor people mainly. What I would be interested in is the way in which those economic processes influence migration processes by a) encouraging migration or making it necessary on the one hand, b) improving the (technical) possibilities of closing borders, and c) increasing the employment of "illegal" migrant workers. Rather contradictory processes of course. As I work more on the micro-level, I would be interested in any work dealing with these processes on an international (global) level.

It might be of interest to you to know that the California State University system has a system-wide committee on Globalization. One of my students is the student representative on the committee, so I have seen some of the internal committee memos. These portray a very interesting use of the term "globalization", one which I have not heard used widely in academia. The main gist of this committee's usage of globalization is as a transitive verb as in "We [the CSU system] will globalize you [the Third World]" (reminding one of Aiden Foster-Carter's and Andre Gunder Frank's references to "underdevelopment" as a transitive verb although I am sure this committee is totally oblivious to this).

ANNOUNCEMENT We are pleased to announce a new two-year interdisciplinary Master of Arts program at Humboldt State University on globalization. We define globalization as an on-going historical process that is reaching its apex toward the end of the 20th century. This process leads to the increasing integration of the production of goods, services, ideas, culture, communication and environmental pollution on a world-wide scale, impacting the locality of populations and labor. The political response (e.g., World Trade Organization, NAFTA, IMF/World Bank) to this integration by governments (national, sub-national and international) is frequently at variance with the social response of civil society (e.g., changing social constructions of identity, points of resistance among subaltern groups), often leading to violence and war.

"We" are a group of social scientists who find current world trends challenging both intellectually and morally. Our concern is to prepare students to be active participants in shaping the future of the global processes. Humboldt State University is known for both student and faculty concern about the environment and commitment to social responsibility. This new M.A. program attempts to link these concerns and commitments to a new college mission of internationalizing our curriculum. The group of faculty in this new program are all international specialists. Below is a synopsis of the program.

* Six graduate seminars (two per semester for three semesters): Globalization and World Development Political Economy of Environmental Issues Global Population Dynamics Communal Conflict in International Relations The Clash of Civilizations Globalization and the Politics of Resistance

For more information, contact: Prof. Selma K. Sonntag, Graduate Co-ordinator for Social Sciences, Department of Political Science, Humboldt State University, Arcata, CA 95521; tel. (707)826-3917; e-mail: sks1@axe.humboldt.edu or visit our website: www.humboldt.edu/~massglob

Tardanico, Richard. "From Crisis to Restructuring: Latin American Transformations and Urban Employment in World Perspective." Pp. 1-45 in Global Restructuring, Employment, and Social Inequality in Urban Latin America, eds. Richard Tardanico and Rafael Menjivar Larin. Coral Gables, Fla.: North-South Center Press at the University of Miami; Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

The following is quoted from pages 5-6:

. . . A starting point is recognition of the heuristic nature of the concept of "restructuring," as commonly used in the burgeoning literature on the reordering of the world economy during the late twentieth century. . . The concept refers to basic, more-or-less rapid change in the technical, social, political, and territorial organization of investment, production, trade, and aid. Among the shifts most commonly identified are the transnationalization of communication, commerce, production, ownership, consumption, sociocultural reproduction, and politics; the increased segmentation and volatility of market demand; the organizational decentralization of firms and the enhanced flexibility of production; the strategic ascendance of finance capital and specialized services relative to manufacturing; the transfer of public resources to private hands; the proportional relocation of manufacturing activity from the United States and Western Europe to East Asia as well as poor geographic areas; and deterioration in the average pay, stability, and other conditions of employment.

Four problems of the literature on global restructuring increasingly are recognized: It tends to 1) overgeneralize about the extent of restructuring across economic sectors, geographic areas, and social groups; 2) overemphasize contemporary discontinuities with past conditions of world capitalism, including neglect of the possibility of the reversal of some contemporary shifts; 3) underplay the roles of culture and domestic and international politics in shaping the paths of local, national, and regional change; and 4) underestimate the continued importance of domestic market demand by governments, producers, and consumers. . . Some of these problems are especially germane to Latin America, as well as to Africa and Asia. In this respect, perhaps most misleading is the literature's tendency to compress the diverse conditions of the countries and subnational zones of the underdeveloped world into a simplistic image of the 'global assembly line' and derivative political regimes. To a considerable degree, this image reflects the literature's emphasis on the world's dominant and most innovative industry branches and geographic sites. Whatever its roots, it provides little insight into territorial and temporal variation across subordinate regions and countries regarding obstacles to development as well as potential resources and strategies for confronting such obstacles.

Globalization is a process that has been going on for the past 5000 years, but it has significantly acclerated since the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991. Elements of globalization include transborder capital, labor, management, news, images, and data flows. The main engines of globalization are the transnational coporations (TNCs), transnational media organizations (TMCs), intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and alternative government organizations (AGOs). From a humanist perspective, globalization entails both positive and negative consequences: it is both narrowing and widening the income gaps among and within nations, intensifying and diminishing political domination, and homogenizing and pluralizing cultural identities.

While "globalization" does not appear in the title, I have published two articles where the concept has an important role. The first, "Health System Reform--Toward a framework for international comparison" appeared in Social Science and Medicine, 43:5:637-54. The full text is available on the web at www.missouri.edu/~ansar/ by following buttons to RESEARCH, COMPARATIVE HEALTH REFORMS, and MCR THEORY. The second, "People, Professions and Markets," appeared in the Croatian Medical Journal in July, 1997.

1) Health System Reforms Toward a Framework for International Comparisons

Abstract

Health care reform efforts internationally are focused more on efficiency than on effectiveness or equity. We lack a coherent theoretical framework for understanding those reforms or for engaging in comparative research. This paper presents some theoretical ideas that could contribute to such a framework. A model constructed from expert opinion suggests that hegemonic systems, national systems, and medical care systems all contribute, with specific elements identified in each. Three sociological ideas are suggested: a model of trends leading to a fiscal crisis and a crisis of alienation; communities, professions and markets as ideal typical organizational alternatives; global post-Fordist and world systems theories; and hegemonic projects. Together these could explain the timing, speed and direction of health care reform efforts throughout the world.

#2) Professions, People and Market Tradeoffs in Medical Care Reform

The paper has three parts. In the first one the paper analyze how the process of globalization produce increased complexity and strong differentiation inside the Brazilian environmental movement during the 1990's.

In the second part the paper analyze the four main streams of Brazilian Environmentalism in the present decade: Conservative-globalists, Progressive-globalists, Nationalists and Radicals.

The Progressive-globalists are in favor of the construction of institutions of global governance and of a strong redefinition of the Brazilian state with the objective of coordinating a gradual transition toward a sustainable society based on the idea of ecological reform. The redefinition of the state would mean the reduction of its economic functions and the strengthening of its social and environmental functions. The Progressive-globalists think that environmental quality is essentially a public good that can only be maintained through: an incisive normative and regulatory intervention of the state complemented with market incentives; the continuity of the process of decline in fertility rate; an increase in poor people consumption patterns, a restructuring of middle class consumption and a moderate reduction the consumption pattern of the rich. They think that considerations about equity should be balanced with considerations about economic-environmental efficiency.

The Conservative-globalists are in favor of a predominant use of market mechanisms for environmental protection and, in general, concentrate their action in the preservation of natural ecosystems, in which they have a strong capacity for alliance-cooperation with their international partners. They try to disconnect environmental and social matters.

The Nationalists distrust institutions of global governance (they consider that interests of rich countries necessarily prevail) and are in favor of the strengthening of the national state, including its economic regulatory functions and a strong productive state sector. They are against the use of market incentives for environmental protection and in favor of the prevailing of equity considerations over economic efficiency.

The Radicals are in favor of extremely decentralized forms of governance and are reluctant to establish alliances apart from those with Radical environmentalists of the North and poor people from Brazil. The Radicals generally reject the state and the market and have a community approach, according to which only organizations of the civil society can have a determining role in order to reach a sustainable society. They are against the idea of environmental revolution and in favor of a drastic decrease in middle and high classes consumption. According to this view, considerations of equity should totally prevail over efficiency considerations.

Authors: Keith Hampton and Barry Wellman. Title: Glocalization and the Wired Suburb. Abstract: Does the development of the information highway lead to the loss of place-based activities and identities? Or does it actually heighten localism because net surfers are highly bound to their home or office computer desktops? We shall address these questions, using ethnographic, survey and usage-log data from our study of what is probably the most "wired" suburban development in the world, Netville, located in suburban Toronto. Not only is there extreme high speed Internet and Web access, the homes are equipped with videophones, enhanced online services, and other high-tech equipment. This is because a variety of Canadian organizations (in the public and private sector) are using this suburb as a laboratory for studying how people respond to the information highway of the near future. Our paper gives a preview of what that wired future may be like in the developed world.

See also: []Web Sites related to globalization ||Plans for a Globalization Workshop ||a Bibliography by Jeff Hart ||an introduction to the Onomantic method || and a note about Shelter concepts []

To see how some different meanings of a key word can be represented in a set of linked concept records, take a look at the material compiled from Riggs' Turmoil among Nations. A similar procedure will be used to elaborate the various concepts designated by the word, globalization: see Illustrative Concept Records.