Annals of Koguryŏ – Book 22
King Pojang (r. 642-688) – Part Two
Year
six (647) [spring, second month][1] [Tang] Taizong
once more mobilized the army. The court’s deliberations went thus,
“Gaojuli [Koguryŏ]
is buttressed by mountains and its fortresses built up; it will not easily be
vanquished. Formerly, when the emperor personally led a campaign the people of
that state [Koguryŏ] were prevented from tending to their fields and so
when we by right gathered up the grains of captured fortresses their dearth was
only augmented and the common people for the most part went hungry. Now, if we were to send in smaller divisions
of men by turns then that territory would grow disordered. Growing weary of
being incessantly ordered about, having to put down their plowshares to return
to the shelter of small forts [堡], within the space of a few years a thousand li would become forlorn, charity disappear,
and then, though we do not fight north of the Yalu [Amnok] River we could still
take it.”
Following
this advice the emperor named the General-in-chief
of the Left Militant Guard [Zuowuwei dajiangjun 左武衛大將軍], Niu Jinda[2], as the Expeditionary Commander-in-chief of the
Qingqiu Circuit [Qingqiudao xingjun
dazongguan靑丘道 行軍大總管][3],
while naming the General of the Right Militant Guard [Youwuwei jiangjun 右武衛將軍], Li Hae’an[4] his
assistant commander-in-chief. Over ten thousand men were dispatched, boarding louchuan[5] from
Laizhou[6] and thus
returning [to Koguryŏ] from across the sea. Also, the Supervisor of the
Household of the Heir Apparent [Zhangshi
詹事], Li
Shiji[7], was
named Expeditionary Commander-in-chief of the Liaodong Circuit [Liaodongdao xingjun dazongguan 遼東道行軍大摠管], while the General of the Right Militant Guard [Youwuwei jiangjun 右武衛將軍], Sun Erlang[8] was
named his assistant commander-in-chief. They led three thousand soldiers and
preceded by the troops of the Liaodong Area Command [Liaodong dudufu 遼東都督府] returned via Sin [Xin] fortress to Koguryŏ. As
these two armies were full of well-seasoned troops, the best fighters were
selected from amongst them and sent forward.[9]
[Summer, fifth month][10], the
troops of Li Shiji had already crossed the
Autumn, seventh month, Niu Jinda and Li Hai’an
returned to our border region and fought a total of about a hundred different
skirmishes [with us], attacking and capturing Sŏk [Shi] fortress[14] and
then advancing up to the walls of Chŏngni [Jili] fortress[15].
Around ten thousand of our [Koguryŏ] men then issued forth but Li Hai’an
was able to vanquish them, our dead troops numbering three thousand men[16].
[Eighth month][17], the
emperor issued orders to the Prefect of Songzhou [Songzhou cishi 宋州刺史][18],
Wang Boli[19]
and others, to levy the laborers of the twelve prefectures [zhou 州] south of the river[20] and
to have them construct several hundred ships with which to launch an attack on
us [Koguryŏ].[21]
Winter, twelfth month, the [Koguryŏ] king had his
second son[22],
the Mangniji Immu[23],
proceed to Tang to offer apologies, which the emperor duly accepted.[24]
Year seven (648), spring, first month, a tribute
mission was sent to Tang. The [Tang] emperor then issued a rescript making the General-in-chief
of the Right Militant Guard [Youwuwei dajiangjun 右武衛大將軍], Xue Wanche[25], Expeditionary
Commander-in-chief of the Qingqiu Circuit [Qingqiudao
xingjun dazongguan靑丘道 行軍大總管], and the General of the Right Guard [Youwei jiangjun右衛將軍][26], Pei
Xingfang[27],
was made his assistant commander. Leading thirty thousand troops at Laizhou
they boarded louchuan and crossed the
sea to attack.
Summer, fourth month, the commander of the Wuhu
Garrison[28],
Gu Shen’gan[29],
led troops across the sea in attack. They encountered five thousand of our
[Koguryŏ] foot soldiers and horsemen at
[Sixth month][31], the
emperor, considering us [Koguryŏ] to be in a state of utter distress and
exhaustion, determined that in the following year he would muster three hundred
thousand troops to seal Koguryŏ’s destruction once and for all. However, a
certain person spoke,
“Such a campaign to the east will by necessity require
transporting a year’s provisions with you. As they could never be transported
by beast of burden and cart they would have to be transported by ships. At the
end of the Sui it was the region of Jiannan[32]
alone that was safe from the depravations of bandits. More recently, Jiannan
has also not contributed to the struggle in Liaodong and so the commoners there
have prospered and grown wealthy. You should have them construct the ships.”
The emperor followed this advice.
Autumn, seventh month, the son born to a woman in the
capital [P’yŏngyang] had one body but two heads.[33]
Taizong dispatched the the Aide [Zhangshi 長史] of the Left Palace Military Headquarters [Zuo lingzuoyoufu 左領左右府][34], Qiang
Wei[35], to
Jiannan Circuit to oversee the gathering of lumber and construction of ships,
the size of which reached a hundred chi[36] with
their width about half that. A messenger was then dispatched by river to
Laizhou[37], proceeding
first from Wuxia[38]
then by way of Jiangzhou[39] and
Ninth month, a herd of deer fled from our country
across the river towards the west and a pack of wolves also ran westerly for
four days without stopping.
Taizong dispatched the commander Xue Wanche and the
others to commence the attack. They crossed the sea, making their approach
towards the Amnok [Yalu] River, arriving at a spot forty li south of Pakjak [Bozhuo] fortress[41]
where they encamped. The chief of Pakjak fortress, So Pu-son[42], led
ten thousand foot soldiers and horsemen to cut them [the Tang troops] off.
However, [Xue] Wanche dispatched General of the Right Guard Pei Xingfang with
foot soldiers and several other units to attack. They were victorious and our
[Koguryŏ] troops were crushed. [
The emperor then
issued orders to the Prefect of Laizhou [Laizhou
cishi 萊州刺史], Li Daoyu[47], to have
enough provisions and equipment transported to Wuhu Island[48] as
to sustain a large army.[49]
Year eight (649), Tang Taizong died. A rescript
was issued to halt the military campaign in
Liaodong.[50]
The Historian Comments史論: When Taizong first waged war in Liaodong not a man remonstrated. But looking
back at the military situation before Ansi [fortress] Taizong deeply regretted
his personal failure to achieve victory, lamenting, “Had Wei Zheng[51] been
alive he would have prevented me from taking such a step.” When Taizong once
more launched an expedition [against Koguryŏ] the Minister of Works [Sikong 司空][52], Fang
Xuanling[53],
in spite of ill health appealed and remonstrated to the emperor thus,
“Laozi 老子 said, ‘Knowing
what is enough is not to be despised, knowing when to stop is not to be
endangered’.[54] Your
highness’ fame and virtuous deeds are already enough. You have cultivated the
land and expanded the realm and so to stop here is surely sufficient. Whenever your
highness passes judgement on a grave felony you have it repeated three times
and hear testimony five times. That you afterwards partake only of simple
dishes and cease the playing of music is due to the value you place upon each human
life. Now you gather up common soldiers who are guilty of no offense and place
them under the knife’s blade and commit them to miserable death, yet do they
not also merit your pity? Formerly you said any offenses against loyalty by the
subjects of Koguryŏ would merit their death, and that their suppression of
the common people to the point they could no long subsist would be worthy of
their ruin, and if ever it [Koguryŏ] became the source of anxiety to the
Middle Kingdom this would merit its complete destruction. Now, though none of
these three charges holds true, they sit and stir up trouble, internally they
wash away the shame [against Sui] of past generations, while externally they
take their vengeance on Silla. How can it not be that what is preserved is
small while what is lost is great? What I hope is that your highness will personally
seek to correct the faults of Koguryŏ so that they might be made gentle. Burn
those war vessels now crossing the sea and recall your commanders so that China
and the barbarian tribes 華夷 might live in mutual reliance and enjoy one another’s
favor, then shall we gain reverence abroad and peace at home.”
Duke Liang[55] died
with the likes of such kind words but the emperor did not heed them. Instead he
[Taizong] took delight in planning the destruction of the eastern regions and
only his death put an end to his plans. The historian has commented[56], “He
[Taizong] admired what was great, took pleasure in laudable deeds, and exerted
himself to wage war in far-off lands.” Does this not do him praise?
Yet Liu Gongquan[57] has
written, “In the battle at [Mt.] Zhubi[58]
Koguryŏ joined forces with Malgal troops so that their ranks extended
forty li. When Taizong saw this his
expression grew fearful.” He writes further, “When the six [Tang] armies in
Koguryŏ had seen practically all their power sapped away some
reconnaissance soldiers reported, ‘The black commander’s standard of Duke Ying[59] is
surrounded’. Upon hearing this news the emperor grew very troubled.”
Although in the
end he [Taizong] withdrew in failure, the New
History of Tang [Xintangshu], Old History of Tang [Jiutanghsu], and Sima Guang’s Zizhi tongjian make no mention of his
fear. Might we not say every country has for its own interests things it wishes
to conceal?
Year nine (650),
summer, sixth month, the monk Podŏk[60] of Panyong
Temple[61],
seeing how the country was receiving Daoism but no longer believed in the
teachings of Buddha, fled to Mt. Kodae[62] on
Year eleven (652), spring, first month, a tribute mission was sent to Tang.
Year thirteen
(654), summer, fourth month, word spread among the people, “A spirit appeared
atop Horse Ridge[64]
and spoke, ‘The extravagance of your king and his subjects knows no bounds. The
day of their ruin is not far off.’” Winter,
tenth month, the king sent the commander Ango[65]
to mobilize the [Koguryŏ] and Malgal forces and to attack the Khitan
[Qidan/Kŏran][66].
The Commander-in-chief of Songmo [Area Command][67]
[Songmo dudu 松漠都督], Li Kuge[68],
cut them off and at Sin [Xin] fortress[69]
dealt our [Koguryŏ and Malgal] troops a serious defeat.[70]
Year fourteen (655),
spring, first month. Prior to the events that follow our [Koguryŏ] troops,
along with those of Paekche and the Malgal, attacked Silla’s northern border
region seizing thirty-three fortresses.[71] In
response to this the Silla king Kim Ch’un-ch’u[72] sent
emissaries to Tang seeking assistance. Second month, Gaozong[73]
dispatched the Command-in-chief of Yingzhou [Area Command][74] [Yingzhou dudu營州都督], Cheng Mingzhen[75], and
the Commandant of the Left Guard [Zuowei
zhonglangjiang 左衛中郞將][76], Su
Dingfang[77],
to lead troops over in an attack.[78]
Summer, fifth
month, [Cheng] Mingzhen and the others crossed the
Year fifteen (656),
summer, fifth month, iron fell like rain. Winter, twelfth month, envoys were
sent to Tang to offer congratulations to the imperial crown prince.[81]
Year seventeen
(658), summer, sixth month, Tang sent the Commander-in-chief of Yingzhou [Area
Command] [Yingzhou dudu營州都督], and now also
the Protector-general of the Eastern Tributaries [Dongyi duhu 東夷都護][82],
Cheng Mingzhen, and the Commandant of the Right Metropolitan Guard [Youlingjun zhonglangjiang 右領軍中郞將], Xue Rengui[83], who
led troops over in an attack but without success.[84]
Year eighteen
(659), autumn, ninth month, nine tigers at once entered the [Koguryŏ]
capital, snatching up and devouring residents. All attempts to capture them
failed. Winter, eleventh month, The Tang
Commandant of the Right Metropolitan Guard, Xue Rengui and others fought with
our [Koguryŏ] commander On Sa-mun[85]
at
Year nineteen
(660), autumn, seventh month, for about three days the waters of P’yŏngyang’s
river ran the color of blood. Winter, eleventh
month, Tang’s General-in-chief of the Left Courageous Guard [Zuoxiaowei dajiangjun 左驍衛大將軍], Qibi Heli[88], acting
as Expeditionary Commander-in-chief of the P’ae River Circuit [Peijiangdao xingjun dazongguan浿江道 行軍大總管][89],
General-in-chief of the Left Militant Guard [Zuowuwei dajiangjun 左武衛大將軍], Su Dingfang, acting as Expeditionary Commander-in-chief of the Liaodong
Circuit [Liaodongdao xingjun dazongguan遼東道 行軍大總管], General of the Left Courageous Guard [Zuoxiaowei jiangjun 左驍衛將軍], Liu Boying[90],
acting as the Expeditionary Commander-in-chief of the P’yŏngyang Circuit [Pingyangdao xingjun dazongguan平壤道 行軍大總管], and Prefect of Puzhou [Puzhou cishi 蒲州刺史], Cheng Mingzhen, acting as Expeditionary Commander of the Nubang Circuit
[Loufangdao xingjun zongguan樓方道 行軍總管][91],
led troops in a combined attack.[92]
Year twenty
(661), spring, first month, Tang mobilized forty-four thousand soldiers from
the sixty-seven prefectures of Henan, Hebei, and Huainan[93] and
set forth for P’yŏngyang and Nubang. Also, the Chief Minister of the Court
of State Ceremonial [Hongluqing 鴻
卿][94], Xiao Siye[95], was
named Expeditionary Commander of the Fuyu [Puyŏ] Circuit [Fuyudao xingjun zongguan扶餘道 行軍總管], to and
commissioned to lead troops of the Uighur [Huihe回纥] and other tribes in an advance on P’yŏngyang.
Summer, fourth
month, Ren Yaxiang[96], was
made the Expeditionary Commander of the P’ae River Circuit [Peijiangdao xingjun zongguan浿江道 行軍總管], Qibi Heli the
Expeditionary Commander of the Liaodong Circuit [Liaodongdao xingjun zongguan遼東道 行軍總管], and Su
Dingfang the Expeditionary Commander of the P’yŏngyang Circuit [Pingyangdao xingjun zongguan平壤道 行軍總管]. Along with
the various barbarian troops under Xiao Siye some thirty-five armies then set
forth by sea in a single front. The emperor personally assumed command of the
armies.[97]
Then the Prefect
of Weizhou[98]
[Weizhou cishi 蔚州刺史], Li Junqiu[99], advised
him,
“Though Koguryŏ
is a small country how is it that it puts the Middle Kingdom through such
struggles? If Koguryŏ were in fact destroyed then you would be forced to
dispatch soldiers there to hold it. To send only a few would be to wield no
power, while to send many would cause unease among the people. All Under Heaven
would be fatigued by the necessity of guarding the frontiers. In your servant’s
view the only thing to compare to a campaign would be not to campaign, the only
thing that could compare with Koguryŏ’s fall would be if it were not to
fall.”
Fortunately, due
to further objections by the Empress Wu, the emperor was finally forced to halt
the campaign.[100]
Summer, fifth
month, the [Koguryŏ] king sent the general Noe Ŭm-sin[101] to muster
up Malgal troops and besiege Silla’s
Autumn, eight
month, Su Dingfang routed our troops at the P’ae River and then seized
Ninth month, [Yŏn] Kaesomun sent his son Nam-saeng[106] at
the head of tens of thousands of crack troops to hold the Amnok [Yalu] River so
that no troops might pass over it. When Qibi Heli arrived there the ice had
become so thick that [Qibi] Heli was able to lead his troops across the river
atop the ice. And so, with the pounding of drums and great yells they attacked.
Our [Koguryŏ] troops collapsed and fled. [Qibi] Heli pursued them for
several score li killing thirty
thousand of our troops, while those that remained alive surrendered. Nam-saeng
himself barely avoided death. Fortunately, at this time orders came down [from
Tang] to rotate the troops so these ones withdrew.[107]
Year twenty-one
(662), spring, first month, the General of the Left Courageous Guard [Zuoxiaowei jiangjun 左驍衛將軍], Prefect of
Baizhou[108]
[Baizhou cishi 白州刺史], and Commander
of the Woju Circuit [Woju zongguan 沃沮道摠管][109], Pang
Xiaotai[110],
engaged [Yŏn] Kaesomun on the banks of the Sa River[111] and
his [Pang’s] entire army was killed with his son along with thirteen others
dying in battle.[112] At
this time Su Dingfang was besieging P’yŏngyang when fortunately a blizzard
forced them him to lift the siege and depart.[113]
For the most part neither the previous
expeditions nor these ones won many great laurels before retreating.
Year twenty-five
(666), the king sent his son Pok Nam[114]
– the New History of Tang has him as
Nam Pok 男福) – to Tang where he
performed rites at Taishan.[115]
[Yŏn]
Kaesomun died[116]
and his eldest son Nam-saeng became Mangniji 莫離支in his place.
After having first taken control of the reigns of state he set off on a tour of
all the fortresses, in the meantime entrusting matters to his younger siblings Nam-gŏn[117] and
Nam-san[118].
A certain person spoke to these two brothers, “Nam-saeng cannot abide any
pressure from you two and so he intends to get rid of you, only he has yet to
lay his plans.” At first the two brothers did not believe these words, but someone
in the know also spoke of these matters to Nam-saeng,
“Your two
brothers are fearful lest you deny them power and so they plan to cut you off
and prevent your return [to the capital].” Nam-saeng then summoned a close associate
and dispatched him to P’yŏngyang to spy upon his siblings but this person
was fallen upon and seized by them. Nam-saeng was then summoned in the king’s
name, but he defiantly refused to return. Nam-gŏn then took the title of
Mangniji himself and gathered up a force to go chastise him [Nam-saeng].[119]
Nam-saeng fled, fortifying himself in Kungnae
fortress[120],
while also sending his son Hŏn-sŏng[121] to
appeal to Tang [for assistance].[122]
Sixth month[123],
Tang Gaozong had the General-in-chief of the Left Courageous Guard [Zuoxiaowei dajiangjun 左驍衛大將軍][124],
Qibi Heli summoned in order to issue him orders to mobilize troops when Nam-saeng
fled to offer his life to Tang.
Autumn, eighth month, the [Koguryŏ] king
made Nam-gŏn Mangniji and put him in charge of all military affairs of the
capital and its vicinity.
Ninth month, the
emperor issued a rescript to Nam-saeng appointing him Lord Specially Advanced
Commander-in-chief of Liaodong [Tejin
Liaodong dudu 特進遼東都督][125] and
Pacification Commissioner-in-chief of the P’yŏngyang Circuit [Pingyangdao anfudashi 平壤道安撫大使] while enfeoffing
him as Xuantu [Hyŏndo] Commandery Duke [Xuantu jungong玄
郡公].
Winter, twelfth
month[126],
the emperor appointed Li Ji[127] Expeditionary
Commander-in-chief and Pacification Commissioner-in-chief of the Liaodong
Circuit [Liaodongdao xingjun dazongguan
jian anfudashi遼東道 行軍大總管兼安撫大使][128] and
made the Junior Executive Attendants [Silie
shao changbo 司列少常伯][129] of
the Ministery of Personnel, Anlu[130] and
Hao Chujun[131],
his assistant commanders. He appointed Pang Dongshan[132]
along with Qibi Heli as Assistant Expeditionary Commanders-in-chief and
Pacification Commissioners of the Liaodong Circuit[Liaodongdao xingjun fudazongguan jian anfudashi遼東道 行軍副大總管兼安撫大使], while also
arranging that the various military commanders for water and land transport,
such as the Provision Transport Commissioners [Juanliangshi 轉糧使], Dou Yiji, Dugu Qinyun, Guo Daifeng[133],
and such were prepared to carry out any orders from Li Ji. Further, all the prefectures north of the
river[134]
were ordered to send their tax revenues to Liaodong to meet the military expenses.[135]
Year twenty-six
(667), autumn, ninth month, Li Ji attacked and seized Sin [Xin] fortress[136] and
had Qibi Heli hold it.
When [Li] Ji
first crossed the
“Xin [Sin] fortress
comprises a strategic point on Koguryŏ’s western flank. If we do not
capture this fortress we shall not easily take any others.”
Fortunately [for
Tang], during the attack the people of the fortress, such as Sabugu[137] and
others, seized and bound fortress chief and then opened up the gates and surrendered.
[Li] Ji led the army onward and all together seized sixteen fortresses. Since
Pang Dongshan and Gao Kan[138]
were already at Sin fortress Yŏn Nam-gŏn sent troops to attack their
encampment, but the General of the Left Militant Guard [Zuowuwei jiangjun 左武衛大將軍], Xue Rengui[139],
attacked this force and routed it.
“They dare
compose poetry when the military situation is so pressing? I shall cut their
throats.”
Only after the Acting
Secretarial Receptionist of the Expeditionary Army [Xingjun guanji tongshishiren 行軍管記通事舍人], Yuan Wanqing[147],
had interpreted the meaning [of the verse] did [Li] Ji again dispatch someone
with provisions and military equipment. [Yuan] Wanqing then composed a proclamation
[檄文],
“You know not how to protect the precipitous
places along the Yalu [Amnok] River.” Yŏn Nam-gŏn then sent reply, “I
shall humbly respect your orders”, and proceeded to dispatch troops to hold the
Year
twenty-eight (668), spring, first month, [Tang] made the Director of the
Secretariat [Youxiang 右相][150],
Liu Rengui[151], Assistant Commander-in-chief
of the Liaodong Circuit [Liaodongdao fudazongguan遼東道 副大總管] with Hao
Chujun and Kim In-mun[152]
assisting him.
Second month, Li
Ji and the others seized our [Koguryŏ] Puyŏ fortress[153].
Liu Rengui had
already crushed our forces at
“It is not a
question of the number of the troops but how they are employed.” But just then
a vanguard of our [Koguryŏ] troops issued forth to fight them. They
engaged our troops and were victorious, killing or taking them captive.
Upon the fall of
Puyŏ fortress the forty odd fortresses within Puyŏ prefecture[154] all
requested to surrender. The Attendant Censor [Shi yushi 侍禦使], Jia Yanzhong[155],
had come as an envoy [from Tang] and when he had returned as far as Liaodong[156] the
emperor then
inquired of him, “How is the situation within the army?” Thereupon he replied,
“Victory will
certainly be ours. From the time the previous emperors began to inquire into
their [Koguryŏ] crimes things have not turned out as planned and now with
them all hope is gone. A proverb says, ‘A military expedition lacking a guide
familiar with the inner condition of the opponent will have to retreat
half-way.’[157]
Now there is conflict between Nam-saeng’s brothers and this serves as our
guidepost allowing us to grasp the reality of their situation. Their commanders
are loyal but their troops thoroughly exhausted and for this reason your
servant can say that ‘victory will surely be ours’. What is more, the Secret Record of Koguryŏ[158] records that ‘before attaining nine
hundred years[159]
it [Koguryŏ] shall be destroyed by a Great General Eighty’[160]. It
has now been nine hundred years since the house of Ko[161]
first established their country during the era of Han and the age of Li Ji is
now eighty. Due to repeated famines the people have fallen to plundering and
selling one another’s goods. Earthquakes have sundered the land, wolves and
foxes roam even in the walled towns where moles gnaw holes in their gates. The
public mind feels endangered and startled and they have now become incapable of
action.”[162]
Yŏn Nam-gŏn
again assembled a force of fifty thousand and sent it to the relief of Puyŏ
fortress. Li Ji and his commanders met them at the Sŏlha [Xuehe] River[163]
where battle ensued and he [Yŏn] was defeated, the dead numbering thirty
thousand. [Li] Ji then advanced to Taehaeng [Daxing] fortress.[164]
Summer,
fourth month, a comet[165]
appeared between the constellations Hyades and Pleiades[166]. Tang’s
Xu Jingzong[167] commented, “That the
comet appeared in the northeastern region is sure sign that Koguryŏ shall
fall.”
Autumn,
ninth month, Li Ji seized P’yŏngyang.
[Li]
Ji had already been victorious at Taehaeng fortress when the other elements of
the [Tang] army arrived from various directions to join forces with [Li] Ji and
together they had advanced up to the Yalu palisades.[168] There
our troops had met and engaged them but [Li] Ji and his commanders defeated
them, pursuing them for over two hundred li
to eventually seize Yok’i fortress[169],
upon which the inhabitants of several fortresses fled [their walls] and
surrendered. Qibi Heli was the first to arrive at P’yŏngyang with his
troops. He had arrived ahead of the forces of [Li] Ji and for over a month
proceeded to lay siege to P’yŏngyang. King Pojang sent forth Yŏn
Nam-san at the head of ninety-eight chiefs and waving a white banner they
proferred their surrendered to [Li] Ji, who bowed to them and received them.
However, Yŏn Nam-gŏn proceeded to secure the gates and continued to
resist. He frequently sent out troops to fight but they were all defeated. [Yŏn]
Nam-gŏn had entrusted military affairs to the Buddhist priest Sin Sŏng[170].
Sin Sŏng, along with the generals[171] O
Sa and Yo Myo[172] and others, secretly
dispatched an emissary to [Li] Ji requesting to communicate with him in
stealth. Five days later Sin Sŏng threw open the gates and handed over the
city. [Yŏn] Nam-gŏn stabbed himself but did not die. [Tang soldiers]
then seized the king, [Yŏn] Nam-gŏn, and others.
Winter,
tenth month, Li Ji was returning [to Tang] when Gaozong ordered that the [Koguryŏ]
king and his retinue first make offerings at Zhaoling[173].
Then with grand bearing the army reentered the capital [Chang’an], to the
accompaniment of triumphal music. Offerings were then made at the Great Ancestral
Altar.[174]
The
emperor received the prisoners of war at Hanyuan Hall[175].
Because the king’s policies were not deemed to be a reflection of his own will
he was pardoned and granted the title of Grand Executive Attendant of the
Ministry of Works [Siping tai changpo
司平太常伯][176] as
a Supernumerary and Supplemental Official [Yuanwai
tongzheng 員外同正].[177] Yŏn
Nam-san was made the Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Entertainments [Sizai shaoqing 司宰少卿][178],
the priest Sin Sŏng was made Grand Master of Imperial Entertainments with
Silver Seal and Blue Ribbon [Yinqing
guanglu dafu 銀靑光祿大夫][179], Yŏn
Nam-saeng was made General-in-chief of the Right Guard [Youwei dajiangjun 右衛大將軍], and those
officials subordinate to Li Ji were promoted with official positions and honors,
while Yŏn Nam-gŏn was exiled to Qianzhou.[180] Koguryŏ’s
five districts [部], 176 walled towns [城], and over 690,000 households [戶][181]
were reorganized into [Tang’s] nine Area Commands[182], 42
prefectures [州][183],
and hundred counties [縣]. Further, the Protectorate General to Pacify
the East[184]
was established at P’yŏngyang[185],
and then from amongst our [Koguryŏ] military commanders were selected those
deserving of merit and commissioned either as Commanders-in-chief [Dudu/Todok 都督], Prefects [Cishi/Chasa 刺史], or District
Chiefs [Xianling/Hyŏnnyŏng 縣令][186]. They
then participated alongside officials from
This
was the mujin戊辰 year, the first year of the Ch’ongjang
[Zongzhang] 總章 era of Gaozong 高宗 [668].
[Ch’ongjang/Zongzhang
總章 era]
second year, kisa 己巳 year (669),
second month, the king’s son[189] Ansŭng[190], at
the head of over four thousand households submitted to Silla.
Summer, fourth
month, Gaozong transferred 38,300 households to empty lands south of Jianghuai
and in various prefectures of Shannan and Jingxi[191]
First year of the Hamhyŏng/Xianheng
咸亨era, kyŏng’o 庚午 year (670), summer, fourth month, in an
attempt to restore the kingdom [of Koguryŏ] Kŏm Mo-jam[192] began a resistance movement against Tang,
establishing Ansun (the Silla Record
新羅記[193] has him as [An] Sŭng 勝)[194], grandson of the king [Pojang], as king. Tang
Gaozong dispatched the General-in-chief [Dajiangjun
大將軍][195], Gao Kan[196], who, as the Expeditionary Commander of the
Dongzhou Circuit [Dongzhoudao xingjun
zongguan東州道 行軍總管], sent troops to chastise him [Kŏm] when Ansun killed Kŏm Mo-jam
and then fled to Silla.
Second year, sinmi 辛未year (671), autumn, seventh month, Gao Kan
destroyed the remnant [Koguryŏ] forces at Ansi [Anshi] fortress.
Third
year, imsin 壬申 year (672), twelfth month, Gao Kan fought with
our [Koguryŏ] remnant forces at Mt. Paeksu[197] and
routed them. Silla then sent troops to our [Koguryō] aid.
Fourth
year, kyeyu 癸酉 year (673), summer, fifth (leap) month, the
General-in-chief and Commander of the Yanshan[198]
Circuit [Yanshandao zongguan 燕山道摠管大將軍][199], Li
Jinxiang[200],
met our country’s [Koguryŏ] troops at the Horo River[201] and
soundly defeated them, taking several thousand prisoners. The remnants of our
forces then fled to Silla.
Second
year of the Ŭibong/Yifeng 儀鳳 era,
chŏch’uk 丁丑 year
(677), spring, second month, [the emperor] made the submitted king [Pojang] Commander-in-chief
of Liaodong Prefecture [Liaodongzhou dudu/Yodongju todok 遼東州都督][202] and
invested him as King of Chosŏn [Zhaoxian 朝鮮王] and then sent
him back to Liaodong to pacify the remnant pockets of resistance. As he the
ranking man of the Eastern Country [Koguryŏ], [the emperor] had all his
[Pojang’s] subjects who had come and settled in the various prefectures to
accompany the king in his return and then had the Protectorate General to
Pacify the East transferred to Sin [Xin] fortress and bade him govern from
there[203].
Once in Liaodong
the king began to entice rebellion and communicate secretly with the Malgal and
so in the first year of the Kaiyao 開耀 era [681] the emperor ordered him recalled to Gongzhou.[204]
In
the opening year of the Yongsun/Yongchun永淳era
(682) [the former king] died whereupon the emperor granted him the posthumous
title of Chief Minister of the Court of Imperial Regalia [Weiwei qing 衛尉卿][205] and
ordered his body transferred to the capital where rites were performed to the
left of his tomb at Xieli[206] and
in front of the tomb a memorial stele was erected. The [Koguryŏ] commoners
then scattered amongst the various prefectures of Henan 河南 and Longyou 
右. Some of the poorer amongst them remained in the various former fortresses
near Andong fortress[207]. There
were some who fled to Silla while others went to live amongst the Malgal or
Turkish tribes. And so were the chieftains of the Ko line finally
extinguished.
Second year of
the Sugong/Chuigong 垂拱 era (686), [the emperor] made Powŏn[208],
son of the surrendered king [Pojang], Chaoxian Commandery Prince [Chaoxian junwang 朝鮮郡王]. In the
opening year of the Sŏngnyŏk/Shengli 聖曆 era (698) he
[Powŏn] was elevated to General-in-chief of the Left Soaring Hawk Guard [Zuo yingyang wei 左鷹揚衛] and then
invested as Prince of State Zongcheng 忠誠 [“Loyal Sincerity”; Zongcheng guowang 忠誠國王] and was to be
sent to govern the former tribes of Andong[209] but
he did not go. The following year the surrendered king’s son Tŏkmu[210] was
made Commander-in-chief of Andong [Andong dudu 安東都督] and afterwards
eventually made his way to the [former] country [of Koguryŏ].
In the
eighteenth year of the Wŏnhwa/Yuanhua 元和 era (818) a
mission was sent to Tang with offerings of court musicians.[211]
The Historian Comments 史論: The
territories of Hyŏndo [Xuantu] 玄 and Nangnang
[Loyang] 樂浪 originally belonged to Chosŏn as lands invested
to Kija [Jizi][212].
Kija taught the inhabitants agriculture, sericulture, ways of dress, and how to
cultivate righteouness and bequeathed them as well the eight articles of legal
proscriptions.[213] For
this reason did the common people not steal from one another and have no need
of fastening their doors while the masters were ever honorable and trustworthy
and without lewdness. While eating and drinking they used pyŏn and tu[214].
All this was due to their benevolent virtue and cultured enlightenment. What is
more, because their nature was gentle, in contrast to those of the three
directions[215],
Confucius himself, lamenting that the Way was falling out of practice, set sail
across the sea to settle there. However, the Classic of Changes[216] records
of its line statements [yaoci 爻辭], “Second
[lines] have much honor, while fourth [lines] have much fear. This has to do
with proximity”.[217]
Following the
Qin 秦and Han 漢 eras Koguryŏ
became simply a far-off corner to the Middle Kingdom’s northeast. The lands
bordering it [Koguryŏ] to the north were still administered by the Son of
Heaven, but when the Middle Kingdom fell into turmoil ambitious men [of Koguryŏ],
assuming authority and position that were not theirs, arrogantly seized these
territories, so that one can say Koguryŏ became a land living in trepidation
[of China’s wrath]. Yet humility it seemed to have none, attacking the feudal possessions
of the Middle Kingdom and making new enemies, and then entering and inhabiting
these seized districts [hyŏn/xian縣] and counties [kun/jun
郡][218].
For this reason did war come and once such calamities were unleashed peace
would rarely again be known. [Koguryŏ] moved its capital eastward and though
Sui and Tang afterwards unified the realm [
However, looking at its beginning and end,
when the high and the low lived in accord, and the various groups were in
harmony, even a great country was unable to seize it. But when the country
lacked righteousness, the common people were no longer governed with
benevolence, and the self-interests of the various groups aroused, then it
collapsed and could no longer make its authority felt. Thus Mencius says, “Heaven’s
timeliness and the earth’s advantages cannot compare to the concord of men”[219].
Master Zuo[220] writes,
“States flourish
due to prosperity and perish due to calamity. When states flourish it is because
they treat the common people’s hurt as their own, this is the source of their
prosperity; states perish when they treat the common people as dirt or grass,
this is the source of calamity”.[221]
Such words are
indeed true. Therefore can one say that when a cruel administration and
heavy-handed exploitation by powerful clans govern without restraint,
neglecting benevolence, then any hope of avoiding inner turmoil and preserving
the state and not perishing, is this not like drinking wine indiscriminately yet
hating to become drunk?
