"Linguistic and Cultural

Multiplicity in Japan"

YOSHIDA, Takashi

ESL 600 Introduction to Second Language Studies

Prof. G. Crookes

Fall 1996

Department of English as a Second Language

University of Hawaii at Manoa

Japan has been considered one of the world's most "homogeneous" countries, which is very unusual for such a big country[1]. It is taken for granted that everyone belongs to the same ethnic group and speaks the same language. Many cultural notions such as yoso to uchi (outside and inside) or honne to tatemae (one's expressed opinions and hidden intentions) assume that everyone shares the same culture in common. As a matter of fact, however, Japan and its culture have been formed under the influences of many different cultures such as the Chinese culture, the Korean, and even the European (Gekkan Shakai Kyoiku Henshubu 1993b; Manto 1992).

Japan has not just assimilated other cultures to develop its own, but it itself has been multilingual and multicultural with a great deal of internal linguistic and cultural variety attributed mainly to the geographical diversity and the politically limited mobility from place to place which long existed until the end of the Edo era, which leads Maher and Yashiro (1995) to state that "[c]ultural and linguistic diversity is part of the heritage of Japan" (p. 1). After the Meiji Restoration in 1868, the strong national policies of the Meiji administration for a unified common language and standardized education (Maher & Yashiro 1995) and the post-war rapid development of mass communication and transportation (Iemura 1975) moderated the internal linguistic and cultural variety to some extent. Yet, Japan's overall multiplicity of culture was not challenged at all, but was instead further enriched.

Despite this fact, most people maintain the delusion of Japan's homogeneity and remain blind to reality. One example is my experience in the summer of 1995, when I participated in the 11th Japan-Korea Student Forum in Japan. There 20 college students from Japan and 20 college students from Korea met and conducted in small-group discussions on various topics, field trips, cultural exchange events, etc., for two weeks. Before the forum started, two other Japanese members and I, who were to be in the education discussion table, had a preliminary meeting to decide on the topics. When I suggested to choose `multicultural education', neither of them found it interesting at all. They claimed that the topic does not seem very relevant to many of the forum participants and that I found it relevant because unlike other people I was in an environment where I could be around many foreign students and Japanese returnees from overseas; they insisted in having topics that were relevant to the "majority".

A Japanese TV program, `Soko ga shiritai' [More of soko], which featured `Nihon no kokoro' (the Japanese heart)[2] on November 20, 1996, introduced the lives of several ethnic minories in Japan. One person, who is racially mixed and has a dual citizenship of Japan and the U.S., got rejected by a real estate agency in giving her information on apartments, because landlords do not like foreigners to live in their places. She speaks fluent Japanese and goes to a Japanese college, and yet she was thought to make trouble with neighbors just because of the way she looks. The show introduced another person from Laos, whose case is unfortunately not limited to the level of individuals. He and his family have been living in Japan for 14 years and applied for naturalization to become a Japanese citizen seven years ago. His application was rejected because his daughter had a traffic violation and received a 4000 yen fine. He worries that his daughter may have an extremely hard time finding a job next spring, when she graduates from vocational training school, because she will not have Japanese citizenship by then.

The misconception that Japan is a homogenous country is deep-rooted, which is also reflected in the former Prime Minister, Yasuhiro Nakasone's shameless remark that many social problems in the U.S. were caused by ethnic minorities, or the multiculturalism, which he claimed does not exist in Japan. In this paper I argue that Japan should no longer be considered monolingual or monocultural and that it is crucial that people be aware of, and face, such multiplicity of culture. I will now turn to the general picture of Japan's linguistic and cultural multiplicity.

Within the entire population of Japan (124,043,000[3], the seventh largest in the world), "registered foreign residents" number 1,281,644, as of December 1992, which accounts for approximately one percent of the total population (Facts and Figures of Japan 1995 edition 1995, p. 13). The biggest group among them is N. and S. Koreans (688,144: 53.7%), followed by Chinese (195,334: 15.2%), Brazilians (147,803: 11.5%), and Philippinos, Americans, Peruvians, etc. This figure does not cover all the minorities such as those who are naturalized and Japanese returnees from China (chugoku zairyu koji) who have Japanese citizenship but were born and raised in China speaking Chinese as their first language. Obviously illegal foreign workers[4] are not counted in the figure, either. The other minority groups that are left out from the figure include: interracial children; Ainu people; Ryukyuan people; Japanese returnees from abroad (kikoku shijo); etc. If all those linguistic and cultural minorities are summed up, the number could be doubled (Sasagawa 1993).[5]

All of the minority groups have suffered to some extent from some kind of discrimination for the reasons of being physically, linguistically, and/or culturally "different". The discrimination could be those that are personal (i.e., prejudices which individual persons hold, such as in the case of the rejection by the real estate agent) or those that are political or institutional (e.g., no vote given to those without Japanese citizenship in the national/local election[6]). In the case of schoolchildren, an example of the former is bullying (ijime)⁷. Some minority children with limited Japanese proficiency have to cope with such bullying with physical force and get labeled as problem children. Many, especially those whose differences are not physically visible and who have no language problem such as Japanese Koreans or Chinese, often use Japanese names to hide their ethnicity so as to avoid bullying as well as other types of discrimination at school or at workplace (Sasagawa 1993). Bullying could happen to Japanese minority children as well. Goodman (1992) brings up several cases reported in which kikoku shijo got bullied and finally refused to attend school or changed schools. Regarding the latter type of discrimination, some examples are that students attending international schools or ethnic schools cannot get a student discount for railway passes, that those school clubs are not allowed to participate in competitions with other schools, and that graduates of those schools are not considered qualified for entrance exams to national universities[8].

On top of the discrimination, problems which minorities are encountering in the society seem infinite, e.g., exploitation by employers (Toyoshima 1993), sexual harassment (Toyoshima 1993), and medical care (Akusawa 1993). Education is suggested to be one of the solutions to many of those problems. Ironically, it is often the cause of these problems as well. Thus, many educational measures are currently being taken to improve their situation in Japanese society. Those educational measures are called multicultural education. Multicultural education is defined by Ebuchi (1993) as the kind of education conducted in consideration of ethnicity and culture in order to provide equal educational opportunities to children with various cultural and/or ethnic backgrounds, especially ethnic minorities or immigrants, who are socially disadvantaged in the multiethnic nation. I would like to emphasize, however, that multicultural education is not just for minority groups to blend into Japanese society; it is multifaceted and, as described by Banks (1993), "is designed to restructure educational institutions so that all students, including middle-class white males, will acquire the knowledge, skills and attitudes needed to function effectively in a culturally and ethnically diverse nation and world" (p. 23). (See also Sasagawa 1993 and Kasugai 1993.) Although multicultural education usually refers only to formal school education, in this paper educational programs for adults will be treated equally for the sake of introducing the situations of minority groups in Japan. Additionally, although its aspect of multiethnic education will be focused in this paper, multicultural education originally views "culture" in a broad sense. Thus, it includes the culture of women, those with learning differences, those of low SES, or any other socially disadvantaged group (see Ebuchi 1993 for the more details).

The first facet of multicultural education is to help minorities to become competent members of the Japanese community. This facet is often associated with a particular group of minorities, namely, those with language problems, such as Japanese returnees from China or Korea, Indo-Chinese refugees, Japanese-descent workers from South America, Asian "brides", etc. (see Akusawa 1993 for demographic data of those groups)[9]. For the first generation adult immigrants, lack of proficiency in Japanese entails lack of information, which might lead to prejudices against minorities or, even worse, endanger their lives (Akusawa 1993)[10]. Not given enough opportunities to improve their Japanese, many of them often end up with low SES because they cannot receive higher education or vocational training at school due to their limited language proficiency. The language is not a problem only for adults but also for the first generation children. The Ministry of Education (Mombusho) announced in April, 1992, that the number of foreign students with limited Japanese proficiency is 5,463 (attending 1,973 schools) as of September 1991, according to Ebuchi (1993).

A number of efforts are reported, although, as far as I know, most of them are organized by local governments or civil groups and are not nationwide.[11] For example, several elementary schools and junior high schools are reported to have so-called "international classes" or "Japanese language classes" to deal with children with limited Japanese proficiency in areas such as Ayase (Toyosumi 1993), Kasai (Kasugai 1993), and Yamato (Date 1993), some of which are independent JSL classes and others pullouts. In the case of adults, the supporting program often involves more than a language class. Ashinokai , one of the civil groups supporting Indo-Chinese refugees in Kanagawa prefecture, not only provides Japanese classes, but also offers assistance in many ways with the everyday life of refugee people, e.g., finding apartments, explaining work rules, helping to apply for public housing, etc. Their request to make native language versions of school brochures for Indo-Chinese children was put into practice by the city government in 1988 (Seko 1993). The county of Mogami supports Asian "brides", who came to Japan with no knowledge of Japanese as part of an arranged marriage (mostly farmers), by offering interpreters to brides needing physical and mental health care, in addition to the language assistance (Kuwayama 1993). In the city of Kawasaki, a Japanese literacy class is held where Japanese volunteers, most of whom are housewives, get training and teach (Akusawa 1993).

Several difficulties are recognized. The first is personal factors. For example, some employers are not as willing as others to let their foreign workers go to a Japanese class because they worry about the workers finding better jobs through information exchange in the language class. Also, some husbands do not like their neighbors to know that they have foreign wives and are not, therefore, positive about their wives going out and attending a Japanese class (Akusawa 1993). Secondly, not all local administrations are very active in changing the existing laws and systems to raise the status of minorities (Akusawa 1993). Thirdly, Shimada (1993) points out in his review of the effort in Kawasaki that while there is a growing interest among Japanese people in volunteering to teach Japanese to foreign residents, a gap exists between the volunteering spirit and the actual needs of the learner. A similar gap has been noticed in the relationship between the teachers of the "international class" and the "Japanese language class" (Kasugai 1993; Date 1993). To make it clearer, with the intent of giving students enough competence in Japanese and cultural knowledge so that they can easily assimilate into the Japanese society, the volunteers or the teachers in many cases are found to be forcing minorities to conform to the mainstream Japanese culture, or making minorities "Japanese", neglecting to appreciate the diversity of their cultural backgrounds.

This third point brings up the other direction of multicultural education, which is to help the minority to preserve or develop their cultural identity. Groups such as Japanese Koreans (zainichi kankoku-chosenjin) or Ainu people, who are often associated with this facet. Kikoku shijo is also often be considered here. Although the Japanese language has not been their primary problem, they have been given a "special" status within Japanese society and have undergone longstanding suppression. The history of Japanese Koreans, which Maher and Kawanishi (1995) call "the history of being there", starts with Japan's dictatorship over Korea, during which most of them came (or were brought) to Japan, and when WWII was over[12], they decided to stay for various reasons. Since then they have been treated as foreigners by the government and marginalized within the school system. The Ainu, on the other hand, indigenous people in Hokkaido, have also been struggling against a century-long subdual by Japanese colonization. Bans on Ainu language, hunting, fishing and other customs as well as the forced relocation of communities were enforced (De Chicchis 1995).[13] Although changes are observed these days (Goodman 1992)[14], kikoku shijo, children who have returned from a prolonged stay overseas, have also been a marginalized group. It is reported that over 50,000 Japanese school age children are living with their family and receiving their education overseas, and that in the year 1991 about 13,000 returned to Japan (Yashiro 1995). When placed in Japanese schools, they are often times expected to adjust themselves to the mainstream culture, and get dishonored by their mainstream peers if they show their striking personality. As a result, they end up hiding their invaluable skills acquired overseas which they could contribute to an international society. What needs to be noted in these cases is that a significant part of their heritage or potentiality has been negated and discouraged to develop, and encouragement to enhance such quality is now called for to release their frustrated identity.

Various efforts are currently made to integrate students' home culture and Japanese culture. Kasugai (1993), for example, illustrates how returnees' children from Korea and China studying in the international class at Kasai elementary school heightened their self-esteem as Koreans or Chinese through their presentations of cultural activities. Moreover, several schools in Yamato set up fureai [communication] time to motivate Indo-Chinese children to learn about their heritage languages and cultures. These students are given opportunities to present their culture to the entire school (Date 1993). Also, according to Nakajima (1993), some schools in Hamamatsu offer Spanish or Portuguese programs considering after going back to their countries. De Chicchis (1995) mentions that Ainu language schools established in a number of places in Hokkaido are quite successful in teaching Ainu language and culture. Preserving the home language and culture is encouraged, of course, in foreign schools in Japan, which exist throughout Japan[15]. For example, Mindan (the Korean Residents Union; South Korea associates) encourages all the Korean residents in Japan to take at least 50 hours of Korean language instruction (Mindan 1990). Soren (the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan; North Korea associates), on the other hand, offers summer schools for those who go to Japanese schools for regular semesters. Regarding kikoku shijo, there emerged many ukeireko, schools, mostly national and private, which set up a special selection procedure for kikoku shijo and offer an accommodative educational environment (Goodman 1992). Sakata (1992) provides a picture of kikoku shijo's reactions to the educational environment at Doshisha International High School, one of the ukeireko.

Especially this kikoku shijo case creates some questions. Why do these minorities need to be set aside from the mainstream? Is the segregated classroom really solving the fundamental problem in society? As Nakajima (1993) claims, many problems, if not all, do not reside on the minority side but on the mainstream; the true solution can be found in how to educate the mainstream. As a matter of fact, Mombusho as well as many local education boards have been enthusiastically moving in a similar direction, that is, promoting education for international understanding (kokusai rikai kyoiku). Maher and Yashiro (1995) introduce several statements made by the government advisory groups:

In 1967 Kyoiku katei shingikai [=the Curriculum Council] reported that schools should nurture children who would be trusted and respected by international society. To gain trust and respect, a person had to have better understanding of self, meaning Japanese, and others, meaning foreigners. It was expected that foreign cultures and the importance of respecting human rights be taught in Japanese, social science, history, music and art classes to increase pupils' knowledge and awareness....

In 1974 Chuo kyoiku shingikai [=the Central Education Council] proclaimed that schools should nurture individuals who can make contributions to international society. This idea mainly emphasised the fact that Japanese should be able to voice their opinions to the outside world in a way that they can be understood. Japan should not be merely passive to the world, accepting the Western idea and technology, but rather actively contribute to the world expressing Japanese ideas and exposing the Japanese way of doing things.

Maher and Yashiro (1995) claim that these remained ideas at an abstract level and that "there was no real realisation that Japan should open up its society to people from outside, no concept of co-habitation" (p. 12).

Several efforts made at the local level have been reported successful, however. One example of the efforts to get the mainstream involved is one by the Osaka Counsel of Foreigners' Education[16]. They made a sub-reading textbook called "Salam" designed for Japanese teachers to teach about Japan's closest neighbor country, Korea (Sugitani 1993). This textbook is adopted in 80 percent of all the schools in Osaka, while 95 percent teach about Korea in some way. It not only deals with traditions and customs but also covers the problematic Japan-Korea history. Sugitani (1993) says that the Osaka Counsel seeks the kind of education where everyone freely calls each other by his/her real names. A similar movement is visible in the city of Kawasaki (Hoshino 1993). Additionally, various events and activities intended to enlighten people about the cultural sensitivity are also reported at the social education level, such as the Asian Study Workshop and the Peace Forum (Ito 1993), various cultural events at the Japanese International Center (Katano 1993), the cultural exchange through Korean class in Tsushima (Fuchigami 1993), etc.

It is time now that we considered how to nationalize such efforts at the local level. I would like to approach this issue from an English teachers' point of view. How can English education be related to overall education for international understanding? Sano (1995) argues that education for international understanding can be achieved generally through two major approaches. One is the problem-solving approach, employed in subjects like social science, where students tackle with common issues in the modern world, such as war and peace, imbalanced distribution of wealth, environmental issues, etc., and the other is the culture-understanding approach, adopted in subjects like English or art, aiming at raising students' cultural awareness and communication skills. In the latter, he further suggests that, English-language culture should be viewed and taught as an example of a different culture, through which flexible attitudes to various cultures are to be fostered. Sano (1995) and Motona (1995) agree that we should stop seeing native speakers as the ideal. Such conception not only imposes unachievable goals on students to attain "native-like proficiency" but also may cause students to have an inferiority complex (Sano 1995). English is simply a language that is most convenient for broad intercultural communication; it is the language for Japanese to explain Japanese culture as well as to know about the culture of Indonesia (Motona 1995). Watanabe (1995) implies in his review of Japanese textbooks of English that English education claiming to be a part of the internationalization of Japan excessively focuses on English-speaking countries in the Western world. If English is taught taking those ideas into account, it will not just help students understand different cultures but will also facilitate students having a firm self-identity as Japanese (Osanai 1995)[17].

Direct interactions with people from a different culture will also play a significant role in raising students' self-consciousness of their own culture. While events such as those introduced earlier, where minority children and mainstream children are committed to cultural exchanges with one another, should largely be encouraged, at the national level, programs such as the JET Program should be valued more and utilized more efficiently. The JET Program is a program run by the Council of Local Authorities for International Relations (CLAIR) in cooperation with the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of Home Affairs, and invites young university graduates from overseas to work mainly as Assistant Language Teachers (ALT).

Established in 1987, with 848 participants from four countries, the programme has expanded to include fifteen countries (Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, Ireland, Korea, New Zealand, Peru, Portugal, the Russian Federation, Spain, the U.K. and the U.S.A.). For the 1995-1996 year, the number of participants rose by more than 400, to a total of 4,625. (CLAIR 1995)

Currently, those ALT's are mostly focused on teaching the English (or French or German) language. However, if we hold the previously-mentioned position that the model of the native speaker should not be overemphasized, it might be more beneficial to have ALT's be expanded to include those from non-English-speaking countries and that ALT's roles in class be those of informants of different cultures focusing on motivating students to study about different cultures. This suggestion might be supported by the fact that only slightly over 10 percent of all ALT's have training in TESOL (CLAIR 1992) and that the low frequency of ALT's visit to class and the educational setting in Japan as one of EFL make it less likely that ALT's can directly influence students' language learning.

In this paper I have illustrated the general picture of the living situations which Japan's linguistic and cultural minorities are facing. I have also traversed several ways in which multicultural education is currently practiced in Japan as well as some of the possibilities that multicultural education could be extended in the future. In today's Japan, most people do not even realize the existence of cultural minorities, and such ignorance among people is causing most of the difficulties that the minorities encounter. It is important that all students, minorities or the mainstream, be educated in such a way that they can develop the sense of who they are and what they are and at the same time appreciate the way cultural differences enrich society. As numerous social changes can be brought about through education, we as practitioners should be the ones who are most sensitive to social issues and take initiatives to improve our multicultural society. References

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