Where do ESL teachers get their ideas for teaching? Many in the academic world of ESL might like to think that it is from research or from research-based sources, but in the field of second and foreign language education there is little evidence pertaining to whether such research is available, being used, or even appreciated as a source of teaching ideas by its intended audience of classroom teachers and program administrators.

This study concerns the idea sources of a group of ESL teachers in an intensive English program in the western USA. As such, its conceptual context is "teacher beliefs and cognition", a research area which after some decades of activity in mainstream education (cf. Clark & Peterson, 1986) is making a greater impact on TESOL (e.g., Woods, 1996). What ESL teachers think in general, their values, the concepts with which they approach teaching, where they come from and how they develop, are obviously important areas we need to know about. However, this literature provides few accounts of the paths running, in whatever direction, between ideas in published research and classroom practice, and among teachers. In addition, the study addresses a major concern that emerged from participants —their working conditions as teachers. Though we did not begin with this question, we found ourselves forced to ask, how professional can one be, as a teacher, under difficult working conditions?

Our inquiry began with a concern about whether or not the academic journal is successful in communicating research findings to teachers in a form that they can utilize. We decided to start by asking a broad question, one which would avoid too much presupposition, of our friends and colleagues teaching ESL. Accordingly, in the preliminary phase of this study we asked them, "Where do you get your teaching ideas from?". We found that our respondents mentioned, for example, their personal experiences of "what works"; the spontaneous self-generation of ideas; modifying materials provided by their school; and informal talks with colleagues, rather than more formal sources. Following these initial inquiries, we decided to pursue the question further among teachers at a program we knew of.

At the time of this study (1992), the majority of the 20 teaching faculty of this program were holders of MAs in ESL or were in the final stages of completing ESL MA degrees. Several teachers held or were working on graduate degrees in fields related to ESL, though a couple of teachers had little or no formal training in ESL. Like many such schools and programs, a number of its teachers worked more than one ESL teaching job. Pay was typical of, or perhaps slightly better than other programs in the area, but there were no health benefits or pension rights associated with positions. Contracts were for the duration of a term of ten weeks, and there was no provision for tenure or for longer contracts.

The students (around 150 individuals at this time) had mostly come to the U.S. originally from countries in east or south east Asia, though some were from Europe. Many of them had joined the program after hearing about it locally, rather than having arrived directly from their home countries. They were mainly young adults—some relatively well-off. Absolute beginners were not common, and many of them intended to go on to study at U.S. universities once they had improved their English sufficiently.

Open-ended, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 19 of the 20 program faculty during a three-month period. Our interview protocol was piloted on ESL teacher colleagues not associated with this study. Interview questions explored the basic issue of where the teachers in this program got their teaching ideas, and why and how they selected and used idea sources. Initial interviews tended to be about an hour long. Following Lincoln & Guba (1985) we used debriefing after each interview to reflect upon and develop hypotheses. Field notes focusing on the context of the teachers’ work situation and work culture were also made. Transcripts and field notes were coded for emergent themes using analytic induction, and data patterns were conceptualized with the aid of organizational data matrices and counts (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

The idea sources discussed by teachers were, in order of popularity: (1) drawing on accumulated teaching experiences; (2) informal consultations with colleagues; (3) pedagogically oriented printed resources, e.g., book series; (4) spontaneous original ideas; (5) pre-service training; (6) in-house workshops. These were all mentioned by half to three-quarters of the teachers. A seventh category, use and modification of institutionally-provided materials, such as textbooks and pre-existing teacher-made materials, was mentioned by six of our respondents, and other less common idea sources, mentioned by four or fewer individuals each were S/FL research journals, local teaching workshops (not in-house), advice from students, and the teachers’ own SL learning experience. Not mentioned, or actually explicitly rejected as teaching idea sources were

major second language teaching or research conferences, classroom observations of other teachers, performance evaluations, and personally conducted classroom research.

In addition to this basic information, an important theme emerged that concerned how teachers at this site reacted to the stresses of their work, and how their responses affected their selection and use of their teaching idea sources.

Accumulated teaching experience was the most often cited source of teaching ideas. Many of these teachers spoke about their teaching experience as a personally unique and self-contained entity, not as a pot pourri of teaching ideas from a variety of sources. It was a personal history of knowledge and information gained through trial and error, concerning which teaching ideas (and their sources) were effective in their circumstances. "As you have more practice, then you know in the classroom what will work and what will not work", a veteran teacher stated simply. One teacher indicated that with experience, a teacher accumulates the ability to identify and react to archetypal teaching situations and student types: "I’ve been teaching ESL for six or seven years. I [can] take a look at the students, talk to them [for] two or three days... [then] know, ‘Uh-huh! He’s that kind of student!’".

Perhaps the self-contained nature of this experience was responsible for caution or scepticism when repondents were asked about the possibility of using sources and teaching ideas outside their personally tested repertoire. This was often politely but firmly rejected without much further consideration. One typical remark was, "Personally I am willing to try different methods, but what I feel has worked for me through the years is what I sort of stick to." It seemed that for even introductory consideration by these teachers, untried ideas needed to be socially initiated through favorable endorsement from colleagues:

That is to say, such peer review and screening, emphasizing an idea’s effective value, lends necessary credibility and weight to probationary techniques.

This high regard for peer review also seemed related to the generally low opinions experienced teachers in this school held for "expert" advice from non-teaching researchers and people outside their faculty. Many participants articulated a strong, stereotypical image of researchers as living in an ivory tower, and tended to feel that only working teachers could have credible opinions about good teaching. One teacher remarked, challengingly, "If you get the professors from [an ESL teacher education program] and bring them ... here and give them a week to teach, they will probably miserably fail." The familiar idea of a social rift between the research and teaching communities did seem to exist at this program at this time:

These teachers also perceived other differences. Several complained about difficulties in communication between the groups. One, for example, preferred seeking help from colleagues first because their shared experience supported problem-solving discussion:

Although some untrained teachers mentioned finding research journals "intimidating", and that "the writing is actually over my head", these were not the reasons provided for not using such material as an idea source. Instead, work pressure and attitudes were key:

One graduate student employed at this site remarked:

Regardless of where they got their qualifications from, teachers at this site complained readily about their graduate teacher education programs having been heavy on theory and light on "techniques". Admissions of benefits received from their training were noticably hedged. One possible benefit from such training that did emerge, however, was that teachers who had graduate study in ESL, commented more often about getting new ideas from modifying materials (e.g., from a textbook), being inspired by something in the real world (e.g., newspapers, television) or actively creating original materials, than did those without such coursework. Simply, those teachers with formal training in ESL (or related fields) seemed to see the potential in a larger variety of idea sources. The handful of teachers in the program without such background, by contrast, more often referred to using conventional sources like dictionaries, textbooks (without modifying them), workbooks, and teachers’ handbooks. One of the more experienced, qualified teachers commented:

A central issue fostering and sustaining all of the above appeared to be simple overwork and an associated lack of preparation time. Many of the participants routinely worked at two or three schools. Their average reported workload was around 50 hours per week, so it is perhaps unsurprising that a proven repertoire of teaching ideas and a cautiously pragmatic attitude was common. One teacher reacted irritably to suggestions that anything else was possible in the situation:

Even when forms of professional development were institutionally encouraged and new teaching ideas made readily available to teachers, overwork and its effects could still be obstacles. An experienced teacher noted:

Several experienced teachers also described how overwork affected their quality of life, and possibly teaching:

Another teacher admitted how teaching quality can suffer, despite will and effort to the contrary:

Under these conditions, most of these teachers had decided to draw personal limits for their jobs, due to

This decision to set limits also affected teacher access and use of new idea sources:

At the time of this investigation, the program only hired teachers on a casual basis, and they were regularly laid off. Morale was low:

Many of the experienced teachers had been with the program for some years, yet were of the opinion that it would be simple for them to be replaced. Consequently it was easy for them to feel that they were not valued. They believed that it would have been possible for them to be replaced by, for example, graduate students from a nearby ESL teacher education program. Referring to these individuals, and to hiring practices generally, an experienced teacher commented:

As a consequence, this teacher found him/herself responding to calls for help and advice from inexperienced or untrained teachers in the program, and feared that ESL teaching was being seen as a mere job. Several other teachers at this site agreed. This disaffection appeared to overwhelm positive motivation to keep up with trends, research, or new teaching ideas:

Another teacher:

Teachers at this program who expressed dissatisfaction were at pains to exclude their immediate administration, and program director, and reserved their criticisms for more impersonal entities.

A few of the teachers in the program had notably less experience teaching. For them too, accumulated experience was a primary idea source, this time characterized partially in terms of their recent teacher education coursework. They planned to amass games, worksheets, and so on, and planned to use them repeatedly:

Perhaps it might have been expected that these newer teachers would be more adventurous than their older colleagues. But on the other hand, they shared the same working conditions, and again there were comments concerning a lack of time:

Another teacher commented,

Despite their working conditions, however, inexperienced teachers were more reluctant to complain than their experienced colleagues. One reason, perhaps, was that, as a number of the newer teachers mentioned, they still found satisfaction from the social and quasi-adventurous aspects of ESL teaching, such as travelling and interacting with their international students. These aspects of their jobs were not mentioned by more experienced teachers. The inexperienced teachers were also allowing their job to some extent to substitute for a social life:

A number of our respondents described an atmosphere of popularly enjoyed and open collaboration in the program, which partly derived from the physical arrangement of the staff room.

Several teachers commented that these informal talks were preferable to more formal forums such as teaching workshops and research conferences. Even local workshops were dismissed by some as being more suitable for networking than being true opportunities to learn about teaching, and "...with everybody being really polite and nobody ... saying anything". In comparison, informal chats with a colleague were more convenient: "It’s sort of hands-on, real fixing. You get it [an idea] and go use it." Such talks were apparently supported by an informal agreement in this program that "they kind of have the understanding that the old people help the new people".

However, despite this statement, observations at the site did not provide much evidence of this. Teachers’ free times seemed primarily to be spent in individual lesson preparation, office activities (preparing photocopied handouts) and personal matters (e.g., eating lunch). Several teachers described their veteran colleagues as people who "keep to themselves" and "have their set ways of doing things. A set program...". Younger teachers saw this as understandable: "Some teachers have been teaching for many, many years. They resolved it ten years ago. They sort of worked out the bugs in any given course. They don’t need to [access new ideas or talk to others about them]". During this period, there was not a lot of socializing at the program site, and when classes were done, most teachers would leave quickly for other jobs or for home. One teacher’s remarks were in contradiction to those of others on the matter of collaboration:

Another teacher’s comments resolve this disparity somewhat:

In addition,

Although most teachers in this study said that they consulted first with selected colleagues when stumped by a recurring problematic teaching situation, they also answered uncertainly or expressed ignorance when asked whether they were aware of similarities in the choice and use of idea sources by other faculty. It appears that communication between teachers on this topic may have been happening primarily in friendship networks. Several teachers expressed a desire for more pedagogic exchange, complaining of the wasted effort of "... a lot of repetition and duplication among teachers... you know, reinvent the wheel kind of [thing] here."

It was not possible to follow through the entire process from the occurrence or exchange of an idea to teacher collaboration following from such talks. But chatting about work with co-worker friends is undoubtedly a natural behavior. On the other hand, during the period of this study, apparently these teachers were often rushed, which might partly explain why, as one teacher said, "we don’t really go deep into techniques". On the other hand, talk between teachers had other positive aspects:

Another teacher remarked,

Our exploration of this topic with this group of ESL teachers suggests that among these individuals, during the period of the inquiry, where and how teaching ideas were acquired and used reflected workload and was linked to the teachers’ personal networks of communication. Reflection or the use of new ideas, though desired, may have sometimes taken second place to a need for less sophisticated but readily applicable ideas which had been honed through much experience in a specific site. This response would be consistent with the description of teacher routines provided by Floden & Clark (1988, p. 51): "adaptive responses to classroom complexities"; "habitualized patterns of thought and action [which] remove doubts about what to do next, reduce perceived complexity, and may increase the predictability of classroom events". By this definition, routines are not meant to solve problems long term but rather, to offer quick fixes or prevent the emergence of problems entirely. A "successful" routine, of course, eliminates the need to adapt or change, and presumably militates against seeking new ideas in a particular area of teaching.

The patterns of communication attested to emphasize the importance of locally-generated knowledge, as it may be preferred by teachers to that presented as of general applicability, and presented in forms less acceptable and less pre-tested. In this, they connect particularly to the concept of "teacher lore" (e.g., Schubert & Ayers, 1992). They also connect with classic research on the working conditions of teachers (e.g., Lortie, 1975), which Fullan with Steigelbauer (1991, p. 53) summarize by saying, "Individual teachers are less likely to come into contact with new ideas, for they are restricted to the classroom and have a limited network of ongoing professionally based interactions within their schools or with their professional peers outside". Lortie’s view is that teacher communication on professional matters is unlikely to concern the "broader conceptions that underlie classroom practice", but involves discussion of "the tricks of the trade" (1975, p. 77). His work, and that which has followed it, has tended to stress the isolation of the teacher culture as a primary problem. At the same time, many other studies of state elementary and secondary teaching have emphasized the increasing intensification (Hargreaves, 1992) of teachers’ work - broadly, longer hours under more difficult conditions. The position of the ESL teacher, however, both in the post-secondary sector and elsewhere, has all these characteristics plus the additional factor that we serve a population which, whether well-off or poor, is regularly seen as marginal to the mission of the educational institution (Auerbach, 1991)—thus the programs may have structural characteristics far from central or optimal for the teaching profession. That was the case for the program considered here, during the period of the research. It is in the interests of highlighting this phenomenon further that we have presented this partial description and interpretation of a period in the history of one such ESL program. Those privileged to be in positions in which they can investigate the conditions for successful S/FL teaching and learning should consider the extent to which they have grounds for optimism concerning the uptake of their work among the population it is presumably intended to benefit. Arguably, some of the investigative energies of the research sectors of applied linguistics would be well directed to exploring and aiding the restructuring of teachers’ work conditions if the increasing quantities of knowledge of S/FL learning and teaching are to be effectively utilized.